
■Mi 
■■■HI 

HBHH 
HHHHI 

BlIiHIflillll^ 

■■ 

MSB WBsSBt 
mSBSBBm ralSHl 

■■■ 

HHHHHH 







I 

I 



mm 
aSBSt 



H 



HH 



|§|§«§BI 

ii HHssm 
1HHH 




++# 






< o 








** v \ 




ffifflJNLBCW S^H SIIIASSI 



EVILS CREATED BY ARTFUL POLICY, 



AND VARIOUSLY PRACTISED IN THE PROGRESSIVE WAYS OE MAN- 
KIND, WHEN ADVANCED TO AN IMPROVED CONDITION. 



BY SAMUEL OGDEIN\ 



f» 



PHILADELPHIA, 

Printed for the Author, by J. Metcalfe &, Co., corner ot (jerman- 
town Road and St. John Street. 

1834. 



• 03 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1834, by 
Samuel Ogden, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of 
the Eastern District of Pennsylrania. 



Z-0 U* 



TO MY WIFE AND CHILDREN 

Who have freely by their industry, procured the means 
for my support, while progressing in the labours of this 
production, the work is inscribed ; under the pleasing pres- 
sure of grateful and kindred affection, and sincere feeling" 
regard; by the author, the husband, and father ; who feels 
the utmost satisfaction in hereto subscribing his name, 
SAMUEL OGDE„N, 



PREFACE. 



The directing guides in the following work, are expe- 
rience, observation, and reflection. 

Convinced, that the wrongs enforced on the masses of 
communities, are passed by those entrusted to direct govern- 
ing policy, far beyond right bounds, I have ventured to 
thwart the over-grown evils. And ; that the education of 
those have hitherto by circumstances, been held below the 
chance to obtain the needful instruction to better their con- 
dition, ought to be seeured to them as a due right, to pro- 
mote common good ; I have ventured to maintain. 

Seeing; that whatever opinions persons who read the 
work may form thereof, my views will remain on the pub- 
lished pages, unaltered by those opinions. And ; that 
that against every attack my defensive plea is set forth in 
what the work eontains. 

On dividing the work into distinct parts, I variously pon- 
dered ; and clearly perceived, that by relative leaning, rep&» 
tition became unavoidable; and so perceiving, i became 
resolved not to range it under distinct heads. But the so 
resolving, may be censured as a random fault. Be that so 
or not, I will not attempt palliatively to gloss that, I have 
most closely considered to be as well so, as otherwise. A 
-preface will not alter the tenor of a work. 

Based on the evils of improved society, the many wrongs 
that are by me considered as common ills, are too nume- 
rous to draw forth in detail to particular notice ; in the 



compass set forth in the prospectus of this work. To fully 
complete a work so vast in the variety and extent of means 
to draw upon, is not possible. 

Would not suitable laws duly enforced, work to remove 
existing evils? And are not the factory rules of docking 
wages, and imposing on the work people extreme time, 
evils that require a remedy by legislative power 1 — An ex- 
tensive monopoly of labour, draws the working part ot a 
community under absolute rule3 ; and tyrant power is, by 
such rules , made the conducting director. — Various evils 
are raised in this country by various monopolies, that are 
in their consequent effects, very injurious to the real wel- 
fare of the people. And the main source to those evils is 
raised by a nominal monied capital, brought into action by 
the circulation of bank paper. — The banking system, as es- 
tablished and conducted in these states, is a fountain that 
teems forth a multitude of evils — and those evils are various. 
But to draw them out to particular notice, is not admissible 
within the limits fixed to this work, in my subscription pro- 
posals. Particularly to set forth the numerous evils, brought 
into common use by the artful policy, and self-interested 
desire of mankind, would be a work of vast magnitude, to 
which this production is not by me considered, more than 
i an introductory sketch. But the banks ! Oh the banks ! are 
evils of boundless magnitude ! ! By bank facilities, men be- 
came enabled to obtain freight for foreign markets, and pro- 
cure in return, a vast variety of articles of no real worth, 
that are, by the artful means of trading measures, become 
articles of general consumption. And many of those articles 
are worse than worthless, in the evils by them produced. 

By history and other works, we are informed, how the 
few have always imposed on the many, to the extent of be- 
coming past bearing ; and how the many have eventually 
been so sorely oppressed by absolute imposition, as to be- 
come resolutely determined to remedy or remove the 



TO MY SUBSCRIBERS, 

My Friends,— To you my thanks are due, for on your 
subscribing to my work I became determined to publish a . 
small edition, that would by the sale cover the expenses, 
on the terms set forth in my subscription conditions, 

The first edition of a work so brought before the public, 
will not yield any 'profit to the author. But in my desires, 
profit has not been the leading object. To pass the work 
through the press, set forth in a right form, to be fit Sw 
public appearance ; has been my topmost wish. 

And to my thanks, I feel it necessary to add ; that if but 
little is found by you in the work, to satisfy your expecta- 
tions, the fault is not attributable to a want of industry of 
mind, nor to a want of experience, in practical proof and 
observation. — In short, I have done all within reach of my 
best capable powers ; to make the work clear, in proof of 
wrong doings; in the practical ways of improved commu- 
nities. — This comes in sincerity, to his subscribers from 
the author SAMUEL OGDEN, 



XI 

tice in many various ways, by the educated non-producers, 
over the ignorant uneducated producers ; the industrious 
are necessarily pressed, into the extreme of overburthened 
labour, and poverty ! And are by pressing circumstances 
and low ignorance, or delusive instruction ; so held by the 
educated non-producers. And uneducated ignorance so 
held to industry, in the toils for bare support from child- 
hood to hard- worn old age; by want of means and time, and 
by pressing necessity, passes through life, burthened with 
an overbearing share, in the department of hard industry. 
And held stripped of just rights, as the uneducated parts of 
partially improved communities are, they remain deprived 
of the beneficial results of social improvement. Let all and 
every one within the bounds of improved communities, by 
common tight be entitled to the privilege of a right educa- 
tion ; in learning to read and know aright, the right path of 
duty in society ; that all may be meetly fitted to know the 
difference between right and wrong; and so knowing, may 
be better prepared to pass through life aright ; and rightly 
withstand imposing wrongs. By so necessary an improve- 
ment, to promote the general condition of that part of every 
community; hitherto held insubordinate ignorance; the 
hitherto more knowing imposters over right, would not be- 
come wronged.. And by so much of general improvement, 
a benefit, by betterance in the general condition of mankind, 
would be found in the consequent result. 

And by establishing schools, alike clear, in one pure in- 
variable system of education ; and alike free, for the in- 
struction of all children and grown people, in the necessary 
education to become fitly capable, to read and write ; and 
to know the difference, between right and wrong practices, 
in the ways of mankind. And the chance to receive the 
needful instruction, to know how to distinguish that dif- 
ference; would be no more than a due right to all persons^ 



subjected to the laws of governments; that exercise? 
authoritative rule over communities. 

I have, through the following work, variously set to view, 
in many ways, the clear proofs, that arbitrary rules, forcibly y 
pressed on the governed, by governments, are sorry wrongs. 

That the overbearing arts, variously trumped up and 
imposed on ignorance, by those purposely educated, suc- 
cessfully bear down industry, through passing generations. 

That, however desirous, by every exertion in their spare 
time, from the close industry necessary to procure the 
means, barely to supply their needful wants ; few are those 
that can become learned in school knowledge. 

That excess, when procured by foreign commerce, 
becomes an established evil. 

That domestic supplies, to serve the wants of a people, 
are the most certain means to secure lasting independence. 

That by the introduction of machinery, propelled by 
water or steam, the monopoly with many other evils pro- 
duced by those causes, have been the pressing means to 
force work people employed in manufactories, so propelled, 
into a most pitiable condition. 

That the insatiable desires of monopolists force over- 
bearing extremes on industry ; and so extreme quantities 
of goods are pushed into the market ; and the overabundant 
stock thereof works up competition ; and goods thereby 
become reduced. 

That, as more fully set forth in the body of this work, 
the overgrown manufacturing monopolists, to secure their 
profits, have reduced wages, and the work people em- 
ployed at improved machinery, propelled by water or 
steam power, have become pressed into submissive sub- 
jection, to as absolute rules as ever were enforced, by the 
most overbearing sovereign despots. 

That the following production is set forth, on the gains 



wrongs ; and by destructive conflict have wrought devasta- 
tive ruin. Equal rights, if held secure by appropriate laws, 
impartially administered, would keep the point of all rights 
firm in the working centre, that directs and moves govern- 
ing powers. And if governments, that by constitutional 
declaration are founded on equal rights, were in practice 
what they are set forth to be, the communities of nations 
so declared to be, would more securely enjoy their just 
rights, than they ever yet did. Many are the laws made 
by governments so declared, that set forth evident proofs of 
wrongs done thereby, to the most numerous, the most use- 
fully industrious, and the most worthy part of the people. 
And many too many of such laws are passed, and enforced, 
in these republics. And of the worst are charter grants to 
schools, known by the names college and university ; and 
to bank companies — sorry impositions over general good. 
By a meetly fit school education, the children of the rich 
are taught to know and practice, that overbearing authority, 
for which they are fitly prepared by careful instruction, to 
keep secure the partial advantage held by their parents ; 
over the untaught ignorant. Oh ! how different the cast 
of the uneducated poor, to that of the educated rich ; and 
however, or in whatsoever way considered by the just 
rights of mankind, will not bear fair hold as a standard rule, 
in any state or condition, when truly tested. When fairly 
tested by the rule that truly marks just rights; partial 
rights cannot maintain firm security in power. Let every 
person have by right, the privilege to receive education, by 
being alike bound in duty to endeavour usefully, for the 
support of self, or self and family; but no more. Then all 
will alike have time to improve in knowledge, nor will any 
be slaves, to support or gain for others, enriching means. 
And by the powers of suitable laws, to enforce proper 
general rules, a foundation can be laid to rear mankind 
meetly aright, to pass through life in the walks of social 



duty, in those ways that will promote a seif, and c6mmon 
good. But such rules can only be enforced, to the extent of 
effecting thereby, a general good by the necessary govern- 
ment measures, by which the ever hitherto wronged would 
become capable, by knowing how, more securely to main- 
tain their just rights. Nor can I clearly perceive by any fair 
mark of reason, why governments should not endeavour to 
promote the well being of mankind, by the general establish- 
ment^ schools alike free to the children of every ranis and 
order, in improved society. Yea; I hold it as a just claim, 
due to every individual member of a community, held sub- 
jected to the ruling guidance and powers of laws, to be 
secured in the right to become capable, to know those laws, 
by a free education. In short ; every person residing within 
the bounds of an improved community, ought to be secured 
by common right as a general privilege, if desirable, to 
.obtain the needful learning to know, the true difference 
between right and wrong. Not in an artful sense, passed 
beyond the reach of human capability to understand ; but 
clearly to perceive the plain unequivocal difference, be- 
tween a right and a wrong conduct, in the course of duty, 
to self and to society. By close observation, and the meetly 
necessary exercise of the discerning powers of the mind, 
we may clearly perceive, that it now is not an object of 
desire in the views of governments, to have the masses of 
communities improved, in sound intellectual knowledge. 
And it never was an object of desire, with governments of 
past time, And governing policy ever did, and now does, 
practically direct and enforce subjecting authority. And 
all the devises that art can contrive, to securely obtain tne 
means to support extravagant excess, without industrial 
duty, are by the worthless non-producers enforced. And 
they are instructed to know how to enforce, by artful means, 
the needful superior powers, to maintain that excess. And 
fey the enforcement of artful measures, brought mto prao 



of observation, experience, and reflection; on the various 
causes, that hitherto ever have produced, and continue to 
produce, extremes in the improved condition of mankind ; 
and on the evidence of history and passing time, many of y 
the various evils are traced to their sources. And so the 
proofs are given, how overbearing authority and excess, 
are made the lot of the few; and how ignorance, poverty, 
and subjected slavery, are made the lot of the many ; also 
how distinct modes of education, are established and main- 
tained, to keep secure the advantages, gained by the few 
over the many, in all improved communities. ¥es ; various 
arts, worked up by many distinctions, produce and securely 
maintain the wrongs, pressed on the many by the few. 
Facts ; the most pure evidence that can be given, are set 
forth in the following work ; clearly to prove the extreme 
difference in condition, between useful industry, and use- 
less idleness and excess. v All that is now seen, felt, and 
known to be, in the visible appearances and passing oc- 
currences, and experience of every day.; sets forth the true 
proof of wrongs, in the ways of improved society, as stated 
in the following work. And the statements set forth by 
the best accounts, of long past time, and recently past and 
passing time, of the various evils that ever did, and now do, 
beset improved communities, are noticed in the following 
pages. And also, how the producers of all that is really 
valuable, are by various artful and overbearing measures, 
held necessitous slaves. And that every order, in the 
various grades of improved communities, maintained by 
any other means than really useful industry, obtain a more 
certain, more secure, and more plentiful supply, of all that 
is needful to procure comfortable convenience, and living 
Eupport ; than the producers by hard industry, of all that 
is really useful. And, as stated in the title page, my main 
object in the following work has been, pointedly to mark 
the various evils, that bear against the common interests 



of improved communities. And the facts set forth, in his-' 
torical accounts of past time, stand as clear proofs, that the 
modes, and the manners of mankind, become changed, by 
the measures of governments. And also that extreme 
changes are produced, by extreme measures, when en- 
forced by the active* enterprising, restless spirits, cherished 
by men that entertain anxious aspiring desires. And are 
rulers and other men that overpass the bounds of due 
order in any way, good, and worthy members of society ? 
By all that I could ever yet learn to know truly, I never 
have become possessed of one statement of facts, that any 
government ever did attempt, to improve the whole com- 
munity of a country, in knowledge and condition. And far 
is it from being an object of desire, with government of 
the present time. Suitable institutions for the general 
diffusion of knowledge, would, if rightly managed, be a, 
most certain means to promote, and preserve secure in per- 
manent prosperity, the general well being of mankind. 
And so fully in this most desirable attainment, a leading 
object of my wish, that throughout the following work, I 
haye pointed to improvement in useful knowledge, as the 
most certain leading means, to a more general improve- 
ment, in the human condition. The whole of the inhabitants 
of every eountry, placed under the ruling policy of an im- 
proved government, ought to be sufficiently informed, to 
know the real value of equal rights ; and how to hold them 
securely pure, by their guardian care. And so knowing, 
common good would be likely to become held more certain; 
and common rights would become likely to be held more 
pure ; and governments would become likely to be held 
firmly secure; and mankind would surely become more 
generally happy ; than they ever hitherto were, in any 
partially improved state. 

My endeavours, to set forth the causes that are head 
sources to the many wrongs, imposed on enslaved industry, 



are^made as dear in various ways, as the lines of truth by 
my directing hand, could mark ; on the evidence of nu- 
merous facts, as seen, in the widely different extremes, of 
excess and misery. And, as now fixed on the following 
pages, will remain unaltered by opinions. If I have wrong- 
fully directed the pen, I have now no means left to work 
out a clear remedy, nor am I desirous. To remedy 
wrongs, that press the multitudes of nations into sore dis- 
tress, the directors to, and condueters of imposing oppressive 
measures, do not hold in view, as objects of desire. Reme- 
dies to wrongs come not in the doings of determined rob« 
Jbers! If the causes that produce the many general evils, 
in the passing ways of improved communities, were re- 
moved, the pressing wrongs enforced by those evils, would 
lose their power, and cease to be, Now let us ask. Are 
wrongs by long establishment, made more just as rights ? 
Is the condition of that portion of a community, on whom 
wrongs are imposed, made as it is, by just laws and strict 
honesty? Why are laws made to promote partial ad- 
• vantage % Is partial interest a promoting means to com- 
mon good? The reader is desired full and fairly, to 
consider the above questions, 



aBisxEcnva ssmii&i 



W9 



That the condition of mankind is render- 
ed better by improvement, honest truth will not 
attempt to deny. But the wrongs, artfully and 
variously imposed by human beings, on less art- 
ful beings of their own species, through the pas- 
sing ways of improved society ; on close enqui- 
ry, will generally be found to overbalance the 
advantages, produced by the highest perfection 
ever yet attained by mankind. 

To point out the causes, that ever have pro- 
duced, and continue to produce, a multiplied va- 
riety of evils, in the progressive courses of soci- 
ety, in an improved state of advancement to- 
wards perfection, is held out by me, a directing 
purpose. And if time, industry, and experience, 
are allowable as a means, to improve us in the 
knowledge of that we make an object of enquiry, 
1 am now more fitly prepared to perfect this 
workfthan I was forty years ago; although then 
perfectly matured, in my natural parts. In my 



18 

passage through a long life, 1 have been a close ■ 
observer of the ways of mankind; and have at- 
tentively viewed their progress, through a vast 
variety of pursuits; pressed into insatiable desire 
by an anxious thirst for riches. And to such de- 
sires, many of the ills, that in an improved state, 
have continually beset the human species, may 
be properly charged. 

But 1 have seen mankind in a different state > 
to that in which anxiety to obtain riches, is an 
object of desire — in which riches directs all rule, 
and holds secure all power. Yea, I have seen 
mankind in a state, in which a craving desire 
to obtain riches, and ruling power over others, 
was not known — in which the progress was sim* 
pie and purely artless and free — in which forcing 
authority, overbearing oppression, and absolute 
sway, were never exercised. How different in 
these points, are such a people, to poor en- 
slaved human beings. Disregarding, yea dis- 
daining improvement, few are their wants, 
few- their cares, few their desires, and few their 
•anxieties! Hungry cravings satisfied, thay rest 
contented! To provide for future wants, seldom 
will they endeavour much ; and not laboriously 
to supply present wants, but when necessarily 
forced by pressing hunger, and food to allay it is 
not quickly found, when on the hunt to obtain a 
supply. They remain far from being #oubl«d i 
-with- extremes, stretched beyond reality.. 



19 

To the extreme desires of the people raised le- 
an improved condition, they are strangers. How 
soon the condition of people living in such a state 
is told ! By keeping their improveable capability 
confined, they are held in the state of innocent 
ignorance, and artless simplicity. And few are* 
the materials set forth by people, that neglect to 
improve on the power, implanted in their nature, - 
to furnish the recording pen, with matter worth 
a form. And all can well be said of people, re-* 
maining in the condition furnished by nature, 
will be the setting forth the best advantages, pos- 
sessed in that state. And surely they enjoy a 
few, as will be clearly found, on a close compa- 
rison of difference, between them and the im- 
proved. 

But, let it be understood, that on the part of 
improved communities, 1 confine the difference 
to a few evils comparatively set up, against the 
nsglect to perform needful good — for many are 
the evils which I shall subsequently notice — and 
if improvement did not produce much good — 
who would wish its continuance?-— But many of 
the evils, by which the masses of improved com- 
munities are held down, are within the possible 
reach of mankind to remove — and will they ever 
remove them? In an unimproved state, mankind 
know not imposing arts — nor the wrongs enforc- 
ed by absolute authority and overbearing laws — 
aor oppressive slavery — nor do they feel any 
B2» 



50 

pressing wrongs,. To overbearing extremes; 
: mankind are, in that state, artless strangers. 
But when, by the exercise of their capable pow- 
ers, our species become advanced above that 
state, innocent simplicity, pure nature's gift, be- 
comes unknown. And by the artful policy of 
those who contrive to gain power over others, 
and various pressing means, the subjected are 
made their slaves. And to obtain, and hold se- 
cure possession of all that selfish desire craves^ 
many schemes are worked into active progress. 
And by various modes, various orders are raised 
in the ranks of the improved communities, and so 
mankind become as distinct in their ways, as be- 
ings that are held distinct by the bonds of nature. 
And securely to establish the powers, raised by 
exalted peculiarity, the favoured ranks are no- 
ted,, by dignified names. And by the artful mea- 
sures, contrived to work up overbearing wrongs, 
in the establishment of partial rights, and privi- 
leges, the means set forth to work up common 
good, are always beset and held down, And so 
mankind, in the passing ways of an improved 
state becomes divided; and the purity that good 
and useful improvement raises in society, be^ 
comes debased, corrupted — finally destroyed. — 
What valuable gam do poor enslaved human be, 
ings,obtain by improvement? On beholding the 
contented manner, in which the least improved 
&borginies of this country pass their progressive 



courses through time, I could not perceke them 
to be less happy than the more improved. But 
their appearance, when compared to that of im- 
provement, is less desirable. But the free rights 
of independent equality, by them enjoyed, render 
their condition in that particular, enviable ; when 
compared to the unjust measures, enforced by the 
absolute authority, exercised by the partial pow- 
ers, raised over communities partially improved,- 
Their character is confined to what nature im- 
planted ! To corrupt, and corrupting arts, they 
are strangers! From slavery, artfully wrought 
up; and overbearingly enforced, to support lordly 
extravagance, they are free — and also, from all 
that works up craving anxiety, and perplexing 
cares. And how much less happy are they, than 
people ensnared in the besetting trammels of 
anxious desire, and perplexing concern. To be- 
come improved, under the influence, of such 
rules, as have hitherto generally been direct- 
ing guides to governing powers; would be little 
to desire on the part of the governed. For little 
would be the betterance in the condition of the 
subjected slaves, whose industry would be made 
the right of others. If those human beings, who- 
hold their associate desires confined to the wants 
of nature, could maintain their present rights, as 
clear from encroachment as they are now free;' 
and become sufficiently industrious; and make 
She -accessary improvements, plentifully to sup-* 



22 

ply all needful wants, to secure support; and sus- 
tain clean order and comfortable convenience in 
their dwellings would they be far below the sit- 
uation of perfect improvement? Would not a 
people so improved, and generally instructed to 
know the real value of such necessary improve- 
ments, be superior to all extremes? And so 
t-aught, and directed in their intercourse, by hon- 
est integrity; would they not progress through 
time, more secure from envy and distress, than a 
people widely divided by extremes? And would 
they not, in the security of social order, enjoy 
continual happiness? If the whole oi a people 
became fully possessed of pure rights, by the 
strength of a knowledge of those rights, the real 
value of such social blessings would be held in 
due estimation. And close observation and 
needful care, to secure them against domestic.or 
foreign encroachments, would, by a people pos- 
sessing equal rights, and knowing the real value 
thereof, he held a continual object of attention 
—and so held, would be a pressing means, to 
hold official men to an upright performance of 
their duty — not by ignorance; nor by the exer- 
cise of physical strength—but — by the strong 
power, that well conducted measures, on the 
part of a community, to get partial wrongs re- 
dressed; would, by artful men exercising autho- 
rity, be known there to be contained. 
iSound knowledge, when held the directing 



23 

: guide, is the best leading step to measures, to ob* 
tain a removal of wrongs, artfully worked into 
i force by overbearing authority ; or by any means. 
And measures conducted by that sure guide, 
-would seldom be found unsuccessful; if held in 
the right course. Nor would complaints against 
imposing measures, whether enforced bylaws, 
or worked up by any other means, fail in the at- 
tempt to procure a legal stoppage, to such evils; 
when the complaints were known seriously to i 
come, from a mass of knowledge .and physical' 
strength. It would not be possible, by the art- 
ful means of human policy, to enslave a knowing 
people. But general sound knowledge, never 
was made purely admissible, by the policy of 
governments. And by the policy of governing 
powers, in support of extensive commerce, and 
various other causes, the purity of knowing what 
real wants are, is destroyed; in. the gene- 
ral use of articles, of less than worthless val- 
ue. Custom has baffled, yea more, has drawn 
the thinking powers of the human mind, under 

the mask of delusion custom and various 

• other means mum! — A forbidding influence 

exclaims against truth; when on subjects of be- 
lief, expressed, to expose the artful means set 
forth in formal modes, to keep the more ignorant 
.down; by men learnedly possessed of superior 
^knowledge subjectedly to confine them to obedi- 
ent slavery. 



24 



In a country that, by a proclaimed declara- 
tion of rights, all persons are held out to be a- 
like free; all certainly are, by the purity of the 
said declaration, alike priviledged by equal rights. 
And if all the people of a country, declared to- 
be established in its constitutional rights, as a- 
boye, had an equal chance to be alike educated, 
to clearly know their duty and just rights, as e- 
qually interested members of one national body;; 
all would have a like chance, to know the value 
of such rights* And truly knowing the value 
thereof; those rights would certainly be held 
more pure by a general clear headed knowledge,, 
than by the imposing arts of crafty professors* 
partially priviledged, by a partial education. — 
When rightly taught to understand, to truly know 
the real value of such social privileges ; a watch- 
ful guardian care, to hold them secure against 
the wrongs of impurity; would be held by a peo- 
ple so taught, a binding duty. Yea, a people so* 
instructed; and securely enjoying the social 
privileges, procured by sound knowledge, and 
knowing thereby, how to hold them secure, be- 
yond the grasp of artful power ; would, by all due 
care, ever be well prepared, to defend and hold,, 
all rights, well defended. 

The erring arts of crafty tools, lead on 
Low ignorance, to fear, to feel undone. 
And that it is by right the artful Knaves 
Tell simpletons, that they are needful slaves, 



23 

At constant toil and no more for it gain 9 

Than barely will all needful wants obtain} 

Better, as nature plac'd men to remain, 

Than to be drawn to toil, for others' gaia, 

But better would improvement to all be, 

ff from the tase allay, held purely free. 

By fear of coming ills, and present wrongs. 

All ilia, that crowding come in pressing throngaj. 

Little of happy ease to hirn belongs— 

Who is subjected to a toilsome cast, 

And ignorantly fears, the dreaded last. 

If knowledge is a necessary acquirement, U- 
render the condition of mankind better, and the 
betterance of the human condition is a pure de- 
sire, on the part of governments ; it cannot, sure-^ 
ly, come in the common course of their views, if 
sincerely dkected by pure motives, to bear the 
greatest portion of those, subjected to their au- 
thority, down to necessary slavery, and confined 
by ignorance. Nor would governing powers, 
holding the general welfare of a people as a 
bounden duty, neglect to pass appropriate laws T 
to secure them against the attempts, and en- 
forcements, of individuals to impose, and impos- 
ing, an overstretched duty, on those by them 
employed;, in an extreme length of time, to make 
a day.> 

Of all the various waysfhat I have seen, thro'' 
which mankind pass their days, that of the work 
people employed in large manufacturing estab* 
Miments; is far from being of a cast to be the j 



26 

! least regretted. Fairly contrasted, the lot of 
free Indians, would, in many points be found 
better, than that of the confined work people in 
British Factories: There, a complicated mass 
of ingenious workmanship, brought into active 

. operation by human skill, and propelled by steam, 
is kept in continual motion, from an early hour in 

i in the morning till a late hour at night. And re- 
quires continual attention. And the poor chil- 
dren during the whole length of the working time 
are kept close at their employ, each in the sta- 
tion to which placed. Beheld by a stranger, the 
great variety of mechanical movements, would 
aptly work up in him, astonishment and admir-, 
ing wonder; while viewing much there to be seen. 
And would a discerning stranger ; on beholding 
the children at their duty, and by knowing how 
they are generally treated, and that through the 
long continuance at their employ, they have not 
any spare time; be prepared to admit that they 
are well employed, for their present and future 
good? 

If the needful wants of mankind cannot be ful- 
ly supplied, without the enforcement of extreme 
measures, the evils produced thereby, when clear- 
ly beheld, will set forth an unfavorable view of 
the improved state. But, the condition of soci- 
ety can become improved, and all necessary 
wants abundantly supplied ; without the enforce- 



^27 

*ipent of extreme measures: Without bearing 
the main part of a community down, to the low- 
est state of poverty; or imposing upon them by" 
any means, overbearing burthens. Needless ex- 
penses variously promoted, an insatiable desire 
in pursuit of unnecessary gain; with a. numerous 
train of minor causes, are promoting sources to 
the streams of oppression. And in Britain those 
sorry streams, have long and extensively flowed, 
in a boundless track j and numerous cavities have 
been made, by the overbearing pressure. And 
in other countries we have seen, and have not 
always escaped feeling the weight of evils ; but 
in England, oppressive burthens are often found 
too weighty to bear; and the most distressed of 
the low orders, struggle with hard misery., to the 
end of existence—but more of this in a subsequent 
part of this work. 

Pressed by an immediate thought, we feel it 
necessary here to state ; that we have seen man- 
kind as they are ? in that mother country of high- 
ly boasted prosperity and over abundant riches; 
passing through time in the lavishment of ex- 
treme excess, and bore down to the lowest de- 
gree of misery, by extreme poverty ! Can the 
government of a country where extreme differ- 
ence abounds be deemed good? And we have 
seen Canadian Indians, in a state near to 
that, in which nature produced them. Not far 
removed by improvement, from the state of na~ 
.tyre, their wants are few, and can be supplied 



28- 

without burthening others, by subjecting laws, or 
enforcing overbearing power, to keep them con- 
tinually confined to close industry. 

That mankind are by nature, entitled to equal 
fights, is a truth that art is not able to destroy. 
And if artful measures were not set up, by the 
absolute laws of the few, to deprive the many of 
the best fair privileges, inherent in natural right, 
and justly theirs in the purity of social right, less 
would be the overbearing sway enforced by gov- 
ernments, than ever yet was. And if mankind 
were satisfied, when possessed of the needful 
means, to procure a plentiful supply of all that is 
really wanted, in an improved state; and were 
usefully industrious to procure the means, to sup- 
ply their wants, wretchedness, want, slavery* 
with other ills^-would not besome extremely 
extended, by the enforcement of artful measures. 
When plenty is produced by industry, and drawn 
into the possession of non-producers want (if felt 
by the producers) will, by close investigation, be 
found to be pressed upon them, by nonproducers. 
By a removal of overbearing extremes, over- 
bearing wrongs would become unknown. But 
the common habits of society work formidably, 
against the removal of existing evils. The spread 
of sound knowledge, by a plain and general edu- 
cation, would be a powerful assisting means, in 
the endeavors to better the condition of the worlv 
kig people.. 



29 

Where property holds a commanding infk- 
<£iice, anxious desire and pressing perseverence 
to obtain it, are leading objects of attention. Ac- 
tive movers in the path to wealth, may, by sup- 
porting friends, and those who never think to 
know them truly, be held worthy members of 
society. But, if tried on the scale of strict right, 
would many, of them bear a fair weight? By 
pressing means to gain property, the path to 
wealth is pursued, with little regard to common 
good.; and by an overstreched accumulation 
ithereof, an overbearing power is established; and 
by an overbearing power, the people of a coun- 
try were stripped of their rights. And too sel- 
dom are measures, to stop, or prevent such prac- 
tices, made a subject of due attention by govern- 
ments ; and the legal means to remedy, or re- 
move, overbearing evils, are not in the right of 
any other power. Is pressing anxiety to become 
rich, on the part of a few individuals, a general 
benefit to those around them? Is the granting 
partial privileges to individuals, or combined bo- 
dies, a proof of good policy on the part of govern- 
ments? Is any other governing policy, equal to 
that, calculated to secure the general welfare of 
a community? Is pressing pride, on the part of 
governments, to fill an elevated station in the 
ranks of nations, deservedly worthy, to be esteem- 
ed good policy? Where persons become per^ 



3d 

severingly active, by pressing desire to become 
rich ; there imposing measures, by pressing means 
become enforced; and the consequences if not 
generally perceived, are generally felt. With 
persons anxiously pressed by craving desire to 
gain, to benefit those with whom they deal, is a 
very distant wish. Nor are measures to promote 
the general welfare of mankind, within the com- 
pass of their desires. Gain, to become more 
wealthy, is their leading object; and that is all 
they anxiously desire. And by the doings of 
governments, such scheemers are generally more 
protected in trade, and dealings that are hurtful 
to communities, than laws to bind people to a 
right duty, if rightly enforced could admit. Es- 
pecially in foreign trade. Is a helping means to 
raise a revenue, a pressing inducement on gov- 
ernments, to encourage and protect foreign trade? 
And if so, when known by clear proof in expe- 
rience, to be an evil, are laws to protect and sup- 
port foreign trade, right measures of policy? And 
where such trades are continued, are the gene- 
ral interests of the people held in view, by gov- 
ernments and traders? 

In every country, where equal rights to every 
social priviledge, are the constitutional standard.; 
a right duty, certainly binds those, vested with 
the power to manage public affairs, to remedy 
s*li existing evils. But in countries, constitute 



3-1 

onally priviledged by rights so valuable, a wrongs 
duty on the part of public trust, is oft, too often 
practised. By good laws, well established, and 
purely practised, the genuine rights of mankind, 
would be held secure, On beholding mankind, 
in the passing ways of common duty, when 
advanced to the condition that improvement 
procures ; aud reflecting comparatively on the 
vast variety, seen in the progressive courses of 
- active life ; the mind may unwarily sink into per- 
plexity, by the overbearing pressure of crowding 
ideas — burthened with too much, order may be- 
come lost! In every social compact, much dif- 
ference is seen in the propensity and practice of 
mankind ; through all their ways. And all the 
vast variety of pursuits, into which mankircl are., 
by various pressing motives led, when fairly view- 
ed, fully proved, and duly considered ; v/ill be 
found to be pressed on, by necessity and jtesire. 
And each motive will, invariably be proved, to 
bear the strength of its pressure, in the progress. 
And on turning our views to compare good and 
bad government, what a vast difference is pre- 
sented to the mind! Prosperous content, and 
cheerful smiles, are seen where good government 
is, and misery* and distress is seen under bid go- 
vernment! Measures of power are made demon- 
strably clear, by the effects they produce; but by 
the imposing craft of power, a community are oft- 
deceived* and worse abused! . 



32 

"*"The purposes tor which the laws of a couiv 
^try are enacted, are too often overturned, and 
"the rights of a people wrested, by men vested 
"with the official power to rule. It is very com* 
"monly said, that officers cannot pass the bouL(Js 
"of official duty; was a person to say that no man 
"is capable to commit the act of murder, such an 
"expression would be considered of random wild- 
"ness a boundless stretch, by all who heard it. — 
, t *Noi is there more wildness in saying, that a 
i'man cannot commit a murder, than in saying. 
4 'thatan officer cannot break thro' the bounds of 
"duty. Men vested with official power, are com- 
^monly found too firmly united in their measures 
"to support each other, to biing those of then\ 
"who violate their duty, to that punishment they 
Mjustly deserve. But to guard their civil rights, 
"is a necessary part of duty, that a community 
l never should neglect, for if neglected, the ruling 
*'power, holding authority to execute the law, will 
"be apt to become an absolute tyrant; and by 
>every observing person, the powerful advantage 
**that official men hold, over the rest of society, is 
"clearly seen; and to prevent, or stop, the mea- 
sures of imposing power, every legal means, on 
"the part of a people, must be enforced. And of 



*Tjhis quotation is from a pamphlet I, the author of this work, 
wrote entitled "A aeries of Reflections on the management of Civil 
Rule, ip the town of Kingston. Upper Canada" — "Wriiien by e» 
^habitant. Kingston Primed by Hugh C. Thomson, 1827." 



. S3 

all the necessary means, to restrain the over- 
bearing practices of power, the press is the most 
.cheap, and most effectual. When superior of- 
ficers turn a deaf ear to the complaints of a poor 
man, made against inferior officers (a leaning 
very common, though not meet to public good, 
and public duty) for foul misdeeds committed 
against him, he finds the chance to gain redress, 
beyond his reach. He cannot purchase costly 
law, but through the press he can expose the 
wrongs, and the neglect of duty. And the rich 
jnan may, at the garne of law, spend a tenfold 
sum to gain redress, for the misdeeds of officers, 
and be the worse to the amount of cost. When 
men of power, wrongfully the duty use, in one 
continued common breach of law, and right ; 
the most clear statement that can be set forth, 
in the strongest form words can display, would 
come far short in the expression, of the distress, 
that sufferers experience. And many are held 
down by the oppressive grasp of power, who 
clearly see thereof the base imposing wrongs ; 
but to escape, or to amend those common ills, 
know all they could, individually enforce, would 
not avail the evil. For while those persons who 
exercise the power they hold by iron rule, with- 
out a due regard to commen good, common 
right, or written law; and individuals who suf- 
fer by the wrongs they deal to them, jiave to 
struggle individually for redress : oppressive pow° 
C 



34 

er may continue to exercise an absolute imposi- 
tion, as public right, and safely escape detection. 
But if strictly watched in their duty, and when 
found guilty of a breach, deservedly punished, 
few officers would dare to commit the unfeeling, 
and ruinous misdeeds, sorely pressed on many 
they distress, by an absolute overstretch of pow- 
er. Or, as justice demands, was due enquiry 
made a rule of strict regard, to all complaints 
against official men, and all those proved guilty 
justly treated, officers would be as much afraid 
to commit an open breach of law, as nightly 
robbers. If in a country where the govern- 
ment is constitutionally free, and the written 
laws are equitable, in point of right, the exer- 
cise of power becomes overbearing, a watchful 
observance will discover the cause to be, safe 
standing under those, whose higher offices de- 
mand, a strict regard to the rule of law, from all 
inferior officers, in the discharge of official duty. 
Neglect, or connivance, on the part of high pow- 
er, is an indulgence that tends, to overturn the 
rights of the people, and renders every public 
officer safely absolute, in the exercise of over- 
stretched authority. Was every officer in a go- 
vernment, honestly to regard the welfare of a 
people, burthensome impositions, and oppres- 
sive abuse, would never be found to hold a 
place, in the links of civil society. Or, as duty 
demands, was the chief magistrate in a govern- 



ment, closely to enquire into the conduct of in- 
ferior magistrates, and treat them as he found 
them deserving, under magistrates would not 
presume, so often to infringe the bounds of right, 
in breaking through the bounds of duty, and 
roundly playing the tyrant's part. If in point of 
legal right, the genuine rules of a social bond are 
mutual, every individual from the King, to the 
poorest pauper, has a duty to perform, and those 
persons, of any rank or order, who, by illegal 
means impose on a community, or any indi- 
vidual thereof, are unjustifiable violaters of law; 
and if official characters, aje also guilty of a 
breach of duty, in passing over the legal bounds." 
" Laws are purposely made, to guide and di- 
rect mankind in social duty, and those persons 
that violate, or stretch them over the stated 
bounds, whether princes or people, are alike 
guilty of a breach of the social bond, termed 
law. The laws of a free country are the highest 
authority, and all persons appointed to execute 
them, are bound by the rules of duty, to make 
them their guide. Laws may be equitable in 
the letter, and absolutely tyrannical in the prac- 
tice, and a law purely made, to promote public 
good, may become practically oppressive; by 
those persons vested with power to execute it, 
hatching under its wings, a devouring brood. 
And at the time distressing measures are en- 
forced, to enrich a few individuals, overbearing 
C2. 



36 

oppression will consequently be most sorely felt 
by a suffering people. And while a community 
are suffering, by such measures, a country or 
place, by the declaration of the oppressors, may 
be declared to be, in a rising state of prosperity. 
False report is too often spread, for the purpose 
ofproping up, base imposition. When persist- 
ing^ pursued, a violation of official power is a 
breach of duty, that destroys reciprocal right, 
and presses many of the poorest order of society, 
into unavoidable distress. For in those sections 
of a country, where power treads the path of un- 
lawful exaction, a suffering hardship is expe- 
rienced, by the poorest class of the community ; ' 
and other classes do not escape, the pressure of 
the burthen. And when the legal rights of a 
people are infringed, by the measures of a vio- 
lating power, that power is, by the equitable law 
of justice, as deserving of punishment, as the 
highwayman, the house breaker, the shop lifter, 
or the pick-pocket. Yea and more — For if one 
person, illegally takes the property of another, 
under the cloak of a legal claim, what is there in 
the measure, short of the most base robbery, that 
can be committed? Persons stripped of an equal 
amount of property, by different illegal means, 
do not experience a difference, in the amount of 
loss. It therefore follows, by the most clear 
proof of what is before stated, that all illegal ex- 
actions, levied under the cloak of legal claims, 



31 

are robberies of the most base cast* Those per- 
sons that break the law by theft, generally de- 
pend on secrecy for safe escape ; but those per- 
sons that break the law, by collecting illegally, 
under the cloak of legal authority, more than is 
imposed by law, go in the face of day, and de- 
mand it as legally due, and if not willingly paid, 
proceed to force payment, by law process. 
When the above unlawful modes of robbery, 
are fairly contrasted with the means of obtaining 
money illegally under the cloak of a legal ckiim, 
and placed to the view, in a way that lines out 
pure remarks, those persons that rob, under the 
cover of a legal pretext, will certainly appear the 
worst characters. Highwaymen, house break- 
ers, shoplifters, and pickpockets, seldom try to 
take, where but a little is expected to be found, 
but grasping robbers, possessing the power to en- 
force legal claims, too often extend that power, 
to more than a legal right; and unfeelingly com- 
mand the hovels, of the most miserable poor to 
be entered, to demand more than there is, to 
spare. And what, in the whole course of human 
proceedings, is worse than such illegal arbitrary 
measures, when enforced by men vested with 
power, legally to enforce the law ? To enforce 
more than law commands, is more than duty 
demands, and a stretch of law beyond its bounds, 
is a breach of bounden duty, that will when un- 
restrainedly extended, in the exaction of im 



38 

posed taxes, most certainly be found oppressive, 
by the poor, or labouring class of a community. 
And is it meetly right to tax the poor who little 
do possess, and labour hard for what they gain ? 
Those persons do of common sense that share 
possess, which nature in her perfect order, dis- 
tributes to the human species ; by exercising it, 
with all the freedom of self right, most clearly 
will behold, many imposing arts, purposely wor- 
ked up, to deceive the multitude. But of all the 
great variety of evils, seen in the bustle of a 
common round of dealing, one of the worst is 
that, meet made by absolute authority, to press 
the poor man down to labour, and by hard 
work, barely to obtain a living for his family. 
Closely to be held down to labour, and barely to 
obtain what nature craves, is little to desire. 
While in possession of his share of common 
sense, and free of all design, the honest labour- 
ing man, may clearly behold, the evils him sur- 
round; but while a conscious feeling remains his 
guide, he will remain "the noblest work of God" 
and in that state, he sees but little chance to 
gain a better lot. The man is cast to such a 
state, is, by the ties of duty bound to work, with 
little more of time to spare, than while he eats, 
his hard earned pittance, and forced to pass his 
days at close industry, of social pleasure little 
can enjoy. And when laid down to take his 
rest, his sleep most aptly is disturbed, by the fear 



39 

of sickness, the destroyer of the poor man's pow- 
er to labour for a living ; and pinching poverty, 
and deep distress of mind are hard to bear. By 
the unfeeling power of oppression, to be forced 
to work, and by it little gain, and to want in 
sickness, makes the lot of the poor honest man, 
distressingly hard; and on beholding that he is 
held to abide it, often sinks him down to misera- 
ble despair. And who would wonder why? for 
his situation is worse than that of an unimproved 
state. 

To be a distressed necessitous slave, to over- 
bearing rule, and placed under the trammels of 
absolute authority ; is a worse condition than 
that of moving in the free paths of nature. Not 
in point of improvement — to improve in a pro- 
portionate ratio, to produce all the necessary 
wants, to better the condition of our species is 
commendably good ; but to pass the bounds of 
common advantage is hurtful, and cannot be 
made admissible, under perfect rules of govern- 
ment — because when admitted, the bounds of 
perfection are broke. If honest sincerity was 
made the directing guide to social rule, all the 
weighty evils of society would be removed ; but 
the overbearing desire to obtain power and rich- 
es, and to move in splendid pomp overrules every 
wish in the minds of the rich, to better the con- 
dition of the poor. And according to all we 
know of past times, such has ever been the 



40 

progress of an improved community — mankind 
nave never been perfectly honest, in their ways 
of proceeding under social order ; and present 
time demonstrates to every discerning mind, a 
continued proof of the evil. Every measure, that 
has a tendency to produce an overbearing force 
beyond whatthe reciprocal rights of acommunity 
demand, is an evil, that is not legally admissible, 
under perfect laws, purposely made to secure 
equitable rights, and is a demonstrable proof 
of improper conduct, and bad government. And 
measures, enforced to press upon any class of a 
community an overbearing burthen, are a breach 
of good rule, a violation of social rights, and the 
puro principles of government ; and are not jus- 
tifiably sufTerable. To render this more clear 
it is necessary from observation, to draw a com- 
parative view of mankind ; as they move in 
every situation of life, through every order of so- 
ciety, by so doing, overbearing imposition in 
proceedings, will be seen to be a conducting 
rule, to practical dealing. 

And the sore weight of every oppressive 
evil, will always be found to fall upon the 
labouring class. And why is it that the most 
industrious (in laboring for common good) the 
most useful, and the most honest class, in acom- 
munity, are the most oppressed, the most slavish 
and the most distressed? The reason is obvi- 
ously clear, overbearing policy purposely keeps 



41 

them ignorant, or draws them into suitable er> 
rors, to keep them in the ranks of subservient 
slavery ; and such means ever did destroy and 
do continue to destroy, the reciprocal rights, of 
all social compacts, Although contrary to every 
principle of just right, overbearing, crafty, and 
tyranical policy has ever been the cause of ex- 
tended misery, to the common orders of every 
society. And the records of past time furnish to 
us numerous accounts, of the evil trappings and 
overbearings, craftily and forcibly exercised by 
imposing power over ignorant poverty. The 
past is not within the reach of amendment, but 
the present is a time of passing concern to every 
existing individual, and all persons honestly dis- 
posed towards the welfare of the community, 
ought to exercise all just means within their pow- 
er, to remove existing evils from the links of so- 
ciety ; for they are numerous, and will be hard 
to separate from the chain, because, by very 
close interest fast united, and because easy secu- 
rity to plenty is preferable to needy slavery and 
Will not allow the more burthened to complain, 
of their forcing too much of the weight upon them. 
And furthermore in as much as the present time 
is the most important to the living, in so much, it 
is now the most important as a right duty for 
every individual member of the community la- 
bouring under existing evils, unequivocally to 
support, by all justifiable means, all endeavors to 



42 

remove those evils, with their causes. Monop- 
oly of property, and crafty policy, promote over- 
bearing power; and are main leading strings, to 
all the weighty evils, into which every commu- 
nity is drawn. Such a power is a gross imposi- 
tion, over the common rights of a people ; for, in 
spite of all that is said to the contrary, every in- 
dividual member of a community that is indus- 
trious, in what is really useful, or beneficial to 
common good, is a contributing member to com- 
mon interest. 

The surplus labor of those, that are not paid 
a meet compensation, gives an ascendency in 
property over work people, to those employing 
them, which turned to exercise arbitrary power, 
over the producers, deprives them of their com- 
mon rights, out of their own means. That the 
divided interests of society give various profits is 
daily proved by common results; but where found 
to be an evil, proper laws, duly enforced, would 
keep the evil in so trivail a state, as not to bear 
any class of a people down, by the overbearing 
stretch of oppressive sway, in designing meas- 
ures, enforced to gain riches. Monopoly and 
overstretch, are weighty sources of evil ; and en- 
couraged, or allowed, are of the many leading 
means, by which the bulk of a community are 
forced down to oppressive misery. ]f govern- 
ments would watch with due care, the rightful 
interests of the people, and enact, and enforce 



43 

protecting laws against the establishment of ex- 
tensive business by individuals, or combined com- 
panies, oppression and overbearing authority, 
would not be so generally felt. But the false 
principles of policy, by which every civil commu- 
nity, of which we have any knowledge, has 
been governed ; are a standing proof of wrong 
intentions, in the measures of rulers ; and that 
they have never been sincere, towards the gener- 
al good of mankind. And those men of discern- 
ment and good desires, that have honestly ex- 
posed the delusive arts of power ; and pointed 
out the leading means, by which amendment 
could be effected, have suffered in all past time, 
by artfully foul persecution, unjustly enforced 
against them, by base governments. Whether 
viewed under the head of general, or particular 
maxims, we find the same demonstrative proof, 
that is, that absolute causes, produce absolute 
effects, as a consequent result in affairs of gov- 
ernments, and all other establishments. And 
by experience mankind has found, that upright 
rules produce common good ; and that evil mea- 
sures, produce common ill. For, as the lever 
acts, so will its preponderating power be found ; 
and when the ascendant end is elevated too 
high, the low fallen end thereby becomes depres- 
sed, it is rendered so by accumulated weight. 
It is the throwing too much weight on one part 
of a community, that sinks them too low, and 



44 

gives demonstrable proof of false rules in the 
management of government affairs — for a civil 
government, established and exercised, under 
good rules, will draw every member of a com- 
munity to a moderate degree of industry ; and 
no one will, by it, be pressed down to slavery. 
And where is such a government to be found — 
Or where was there ever such a government ? 
Such a government was not, nor is, but rightly 
established, might be. To gain an overbearing 
ascendency over the people, has been the aim, 
and end, of all governments ; and that alone is 
is sufficient as a cause, to shew, why good go- 
vernments have never yet been established. 
When reciprocal advantage is held in a just ba- 
lance, by a right point, every member of a com- 
munity, will gain the fruits of self industry, the 
rightful reward of labour. But when one end 
of die scales is depressed, to its lowest point of 
bearing; and more weight is added ; oppressive 
misery will eertainly be found to prevail, over 
the multitude placed thereon. If common ad- 
vantage, was held as a directing guide to all ru- 
lers, a prosperous result would be found to arise, 
therefrom, to all communities ; but overbearing 
rule as 1 have often before said produces op- 
pression. 

My endeavours so far, have been confined in 
the aim, to the drawing a general outline of the 
two extremes, into which mankind, according to 



45 

the history of past times, have been drawn ; that 
is, overbearing riches, and extreme poverty ; and 
this remains a continued evil of the present 
time, with overcharged slavery, imposed on the 
poor distressed multitude, to fill up their misery. 
And as far as my observations, have rendered 
me capable to draw conclusions, find these two 
extremes to hold a parallel course, in the distant 
ranges of poverty and excess. And 1 have lived 
long enough, to see, to know, that one continued 
extreme, forces another. By sketch touches of 
the past, my conclusions have been drawn, to 
gain the utmost point of demonstrable proof as 
found by experience at the present time. This 
is the mode,, that appears the most favourable to 
my view, as proper to pursue, in the progressive 
course of these reflections. 

The most important objects of study and pur* 
suit, to produce certain good to mankind, are 
purely unsullied information, and improvement, 
in all that has a tendency to better their condi- 
tion in life, and give the most certain security, to 
property honestly acquired by upright pursuits, 
in the paths of dealing, and mdustry. And such 
a security is only obtainable, in the force given 
by just laws, to bind every individual, to a right 
duty ; and to check all overbearing measures, on 
the part of those appointed, to manage the affairs 
of governments. The pages of histories of past 
times, evidently set forth continued proofs, that 



46 

governments have been established and con- 
ducted on false principles ; and degenerated in 
their measures, into boundless corruption. Lit- 
tle is to be found on the pages of ancient his. 
tory, that speaks good, towards the most nu- 
merous parts of communities. And the rulers of 
modem times, have never been sincere in their 
pretensions, towards good government. The 
combinations of those in authority, to exercise 
overbearing rule ; and the partial declarations 
and enforcements, of exclusive right to legisla- 
tive power; and the crafty measures, to delude' 
the ignorant poor people, to believe, that patient 
submission to all their hardships, is a godlike 
duty, to which they must patiently conform ; with 
ail the train of attendant ills, that have been pur- 
posely enforced to keep up the exclusive right 
to partial government; in church and state, have 
been continued sources to incalculable evils, If all 
the people linked into the ties of civil society 
were as desirous to support their rights as those 
vested with power generally are to rules, to 
work into force imposing measures, the com- 
mon interests of mankind would not be destroy- 
ed, by the designing few. Perfection in im- 
proved society, cannot be attained, where over- 
bearing design is admissible, or sufTerably allow- 
ed; because the equitable rights of mankind are, 
by such measures destroyed, by crafty and frau- 
dulent robbery. Where is the difference between 



47 

stripping a person by craft and taking by force 
except in the mcde ? Are not the persons strip- 
ped, alike robbed of right ? And m point of 
strict right, are not the modes alike dishonest 1 
The leading object in all civil communities, 
ought to be that of bettering the general condi- 
tion of mankind ; but partial advantage has ever 
been found to be the drift of those close con- 
ductors who craftily enforce measures to effect 
the work of self interested improvement, and 
strip industry of its proportionable right. 

Closely tried on the scales of reciprocal right, 
hung to the balance of pure justice, will partial 
advantage be found to give a fair poize? Have 
honest means ever been enforced to bring the 
whole of a community to an improved condi- 
tion? Is imposing delusion necessary to enforce 
reciprocal right? Is it right to force overbearing 
rule, and thereby draw the multitude into the 
links of oppression? Can any state be worse 
than that of pinching want and hard labour? 
Are not proper checks necessary, to remove se- 
rious evils? Has not exclusive monopoly ever 
destroyed the rights of the multitude? Is not 
that very improperly denominated civil improve- 
ment, that has a tendency to bind the bulk of a 
community down to servile slavery, and obedi- 
ent submission to overbearing power? Has the 
state of the multitude ever been improved be- 
yond supplying by constant labour and drudgery 



48 

the insatiable desires of subjecting authority? 
Will the general state of mankind ever be im- 
proved while monopoly is allowed, and secured 
to the interested few, by partial laws? Are par- 
tial laws just — and is false rule honest? And 
are the priestly orders necessary, to enforce good 
government? And are false systems of educa- 
tion, set up to enforce dark belief on the minds 
of a community, necessary for common good? 
Is any professional order found to be a common 
good to society? And is it necessary to enforce 
that, not found to be a common good? Can the 
government be good that admits evils? Are false 
measures necessary, to enforce the power of 
government? Is it necessary to make laws enig- 
mas? Would not a plain code, justly enforced, 
be as secure, as an enigmatical code, unjustly 
enforced? Would not common prosperity be 
better, than partial distress? Is not partial right 
a common evil? Are those established rights 
good, that give to the indolent the best fruits of 
industry? Is not a monopoly of land, an over- 
reach of common right? Is it right for a man to 
profit by land, beyond his own use? Is not, an 
over extended right to land, an overbearing par- 
tial evil? Is not an over extended right to land 
the fundamental source, from which all the oth- 
er settled evils of society are extended? 

In every country where mankind have emer- 
ged from the state of nature, into that of im? 



49 

ppovement, the means have been exercised ia 
the spirit of overbearing authority; and by artful 
delusion. And prying minds, under the influ- 
ence of -absolute and selfish desires, have craftily 
worked up false measures, and warped them into 
rules of government; and tyranny and falsehood 
have become.the stepstones to civil advancement. 
Had honest sincerity been the directing guide, 
the condition of all the people under improve- 
ment, would have been made better; but as it is, 
and ever has been, advancements to better the 
condition of Society, have never been found to 
be more than partial ; and this is made demon- 
strably clear," by the histories of past time ; and is 
found a weighty evil by the suffering parts of 
communities, at the present time. By pointing 
out the errors of past time, we cannot mend done 
evils; but may show the wrongs, as common ills; 
which common good demands as needful to shun 9 
to check, to stop, prohibit, and resjst! To re- 
move existing wrongs from the links of a com- 
munity, must be the wishful desire, of every hon- 
est well intentioned individual, towards the com- 
mon welfare. Andl feel it right, to advocate the 
cause of the suffering multitude ; and if not legal- 
ly appointed, according to professional rules, I 
am one of the sufferers, and have long felt and 
.^seen, the numerous overbearing evils, with which 
we are burthened. And it is with those persons 
#f the present time, who exercise authoritative 
J) 



50 

rule, whatever may be their condition, or claim 
to the right of check, that we have an important 
account to settle. And we intend to draw our 
charges out to their view, from our day book, in 
which the statements are made out, by our 
knowledge and experience, in the common af* 
fairs and proceedings of mankind. And to what 
may hereafter appear in the body of these reflec- 
tions, my directing guide shall be honest integri- 
ty, supported by demonstrable truths, fully prov- 
ed in the experience of recent and existing facts, 
in the slavery and distress of the working popu- 
lace. 

Of all the various pursuits to W T hich mankind 
may turn their attention, that of improving their 
condition, is the most important; and common 
rights, justly maintaintained, would compel eve- 
ry capable individual in a community to perform 
so much of useful duty by self industry as was 
necessary to provide support, and all the useful 
and necessary conveniencies, to secure comfort. 
And that earned by useful duty in the perform- 
ance of useful industry, ought to be fully guaran- 
teed by law, to the producer. By every princi- 
ple that sets forth reciprocal right, in its purity ; 
every individual is entitled to the full value, for 
all that is usefully produced, by self industry. 
And to obtain or strip, by any means, the fruits 
of self industry, or anypart thereof, from the work- 
man, is to do that which is contrary to every prin- 



51 

cipleof just right. Privileged rights whether made 
legal by usage, or seized; when enforced, become 
a rebellion against natural, and genuine social 
rights. And why? Because privileges taken 
without a grant, or maintained by usage, are an 
overbearing stretch of power. 

No allowance is made by the just rights cl 
man, to privilege any individual or body of men, 
to the extent of overbearing monopoly, or undue 
rights. But when mankind have become ad- 
vanced, to an improved condition, partial rights 
have ever been a leading trait, in the establish- 
ment and continuation, of all communites. And 
such customs are alike wrung, whether promot- 
ed by legalized right, or imposed by pressing 
measures, worked up by unrighteous desire. 
When by protecting, laws, or self desire, grasp- 
ing monopolists strip from industry due rights, the 
unjust withholding, helps tosink low poverty, be- 
low the supporting means. And when by ne- 
cessity, yoked in the shafts of industry, as the 
most numerous part of all improved communi- 
ties are ; and by the crafty overbearing few, 
pressed to do an increased quantity of labor, the 
condition of the workman, is made a state of 
slavery. To support the few in idle and extra- 
vagant luxury, while ignorantly held to believe, 
they are under the protecting laws, to free rights. 
The sensible, honest, necessitated slave ; when 
so bore down, feels, and feeling knows, his fixed 



52 

condition, and struggles in vain to amend it. 
Poverty and slavery, and bare support, he daily 
experiences ; but hope, man's cheering attend- 
ant when in adversity, gives him expecting plea- 
snre, in the thoughts of rising prosperity, by the 
assistance of his children, when they become 
able. But with their capability, their wants in- 
crease ; and he seldom ever gains more than a 
scanty improvement, in his circumstances. And 
through the whole course of his life, he struggles 
hard, to remove want, and dies poor — and his 
children through passing generations, are held 
down to the same continual state of slavery, 
bare living and extreme poverty. And the over- 
bearing burthens, pressed on the working class 
are the causes of the many distressing evils, un- 
der which they labour ; and the idle and design- 
ing orders of society, enjoy the profits of their 
industry. And so the most numerous orders in 
improved communities, are held down to servile 
misery, by those that strip them of the fruits of 
their labor ; and by the profits, are enabled to 
live in luxury. And where can the distressed 
multitude look, to find redress? when craft has 
fixed its ascendant power, fast, in the grasp of 
property, by which the reciprocity of right is 
destroyed? Do not such measures, stamp on 
the lives of the multitu de irremidiable evils? 
Closely examined by the rujes of equitable right, 
is not the innovation of power proved to be en- 



S3 

forced by tyrants, who exercise overbearing 
oppression? Yes ; and from this source we may 
trace a numberless train of evils, that abound in 
a state of civil improvement, and the inordinate 
desire of gain and authority, are of the first lead- 
ing causes that press mankind on to civil ad- 
vancement, and to become craftily corrupt For 
few have been the men, possessing the power to 1 
rule, who have been honest towards the common 
good, in the discharge of public duty. And ac- 
cording to what we know of human advance- 
ment to civil order, the first step to improvement, 
has always been the taming of live stock, and 
cultivating the land; and on such beginnings 
mankind have progressed, from step to step, till 
arrived at a high pitch of perfection. But as be- 
fore stated, my object is not a view of the past — 
to expose present evils, is my aim, and the lead- 
ing sources to those evils, are exorbitant acqui- 
sition, by various means; but one of the worst, is 
overstretched, extensive, monopoly. An excess 
of riches, comes not, by upright measures and 
when the possessors assume an overbearing rule 
over the rest of mankind; and an extensive 
and more than needful exclusive right, to the 
land these, and others that rise out of them, are 
felt to be sorry evils, in the links of society, 
and the sources to which many if not all, other 
evils, owe their origin ; that are daily seen, felt, 
and known, to be violations of genuine social 
rights. For — is it consistent with the genuine 



54 

rights of society, that any individual member 
thereof, should hold a legalized right to more 
land than he can improve ; and obtain thereby 
the greatest proportion of the proceeds of other 
people's industry, and improvements; and by 
that means become an overbearing tyrant? If 
so it is, that is not right — and so it is, and ever 
was. — By the standard relation of facts estab- 
lished by well authenticated history, we are in- 
formed of the truth of the past, as touching the 
absolute rules of engrossment, ny legalized claims 
to land, to an overbearing extent. And at the 
present time, we have a demonstrable proof, in 
the overbearing oppression that communities ex- 
perience, in the extensive estates, divided into 
high rented farms, that produce to the owners 
an annual income, that enables them to live in 
princely splendour ; and secure to them an over- 
bearing influence, in the affairs of civil policy. 
Such an evil, we cannot justly confine to a par- 
ticularly titled name ; because, fully viewed, it 
is in the possession thereof and admission or suf- 
ferance on the part of governments, that the 
evil is established. In England, the cemented 
cabinet work of government, is, by the binding 
art of aristocracy, supported by extensive landed 
property, held secure by heriditary right, which 
is demonstrably proved, by sad experience, to 
be a sorry overbearing evil; and consequently as 
weighty, in point of oppressive burthens, t.s an 



55 

industrious, ingenious upright and enterprising 
people, ever experienced. And in the rise and 
progress, all governments., have partially bestow* 
ed to individuals, an exclusive right, to more 
than needful land. Such grants are an infringe- 
ment, on the genuine rights of a community, be- 
cause they are a leading means, that has a bear, 
jng tendency, to destroy the common interest of 
a people, in a violation of common rights. The 
desire of wealth and power is a leading cause 
to such inordinate measures, purposely worked 
up to enforce arbitrary corruption, as a right rule 
of government. And is it possible to enforce a 
right rule, in the art of government, under such 
measures? And is it justly sufferable, for any 
individual, that is an extensive proprietor of land, 
to become highly benefitted by the rents, to the 
extent of drawing the bulk of a community, into 
slavish distress? Is an imposter over the genu- 
ine rights of a people, any better than a common 
robber? Will not the measures, enforced to gain 
ascendant advantage ; when fairly viewed and 
compared to upright integrity, be found to be 
oppressive and unsufferably overbearing? ^.nd 
why allowed, encouraged^ supported, and pro- 
tected,; by all governments? 

Is not such support and protection, a proof of 
improper management, in the affairs of govern- 
ments? And if considered necessary for the se- 
curity of civil order* to establish privileged rights,, 



56 

is it meet to common good, that a boundless in- 
crease of overbearing burthens, should be im- 
posed on the bulk of a community, by the privi^ 
leged few? Could not the bounds of society be 
held secure, without such overbearing measures? 
And would not proper formed laws, to procure 
and preserve due order, when fairly enforced; 
bind the community o^ a country to a right line 
of duty? Or — are the bulk of mankind, doom- 
ed to be necessarily pressed down' to depen- 
dent slavery, to advantage the few? Or — will 
any man, possessed of common understanding 
and sense, and strictly adhering to the practice 
of pure honesty in all proceedings, and to the 
truth in all declarations, declare, or admit, that 
the general measures of governments, are calcu : 
lated to produce common good to mankind? 
Will nc-t the man, directed in his observations 
on the ways of civil power, by all that is justly 
right, perceive that common good s , towards the 
bulk of a community, comes not within the in- 
tention, nor within the practice of governments! 
Every discerning reader by well considering the 
foregoing questions, will perceive answers justly 
applicable, in the conduct and means of men, 
who at this time hold possession and direct 
the reins of power, in civil governments. 

Before mankind emerged from a state of na- 
ture, to thatof improvement, the country in point 
of privilege, is the land- of common right to- every 



57 

individual, who there resides; and to strip a par* 
(ion of the people of a country, of that right, by 
any forcible means, 19 an overbearing violation 
of the just laws of natural right. And when a 
genuine, honest, equivalent, is not allowed, the 
act becomes a base robbery ; and consequently, 
in proportion to the extent, becomes a corrupt evil. 
And a partial seizure of land, is one of the worst 
of all the various evils, that are craftily imposed on 
the honest and unsuspecting many, by the dis- 
honest and designing few. For it is a leading 
means to all the wrongs, imposed on the bulk 
of all commmunities, to subject them to the rules 
established to secure accumulated property to 
the few; and draw the many, to a state of subser- 
rient obedience, to their desires. And that done, 
a foundation is laid, to all the subsequent evils, 
that arise in the progress of society. 

Why should any man hold an exclusive right 
to more land than he can cultivate, and by such 
possession draw others to agree to pay him for 
the use thereof, an annual stipend, bearing the 
name of rent? And why is land monopoly made 
a hereditary right, and a means of political priv- 
ilege ; over the rest of the inhabitants of a coun- 
try? Would not a fair answer to the above 
questions, manifestly prove such measures, to 
work in opposition to the rules oi just right? 
Such measures certainly work in opposition tc* 
all the just right, of which demonstrable proofs 



58 

are daily experienced, where 'enforced, by the 
burthened multitude. Laws, enacted to give a 
privileged right, to a few individuals; are always 
felt to be a sorry evil, in the common affairs of 
civil society. Laws, that are equitably just in 
the letter, and not rightly administered, are not 
perfectly pure. Laws, that give primogeniture 
privileges to the first born, and establish those 
privileges an hereditary right, in the oldest sons 
of privileged families, are arbitrarily impure. 

When a privileged peerage is extended to 
make idiotic lords legislators by heirship, the vain 
fools will ultimately draw the people of the coun- 
try, so governed, into a state of slavery, and 
pinching want ; and final ruin on themselves. — 
This will be a certain consequence, in any coun- 
try, so governed; but will be more rapid in coun- 
tries, where liberal principles are freely inculca- 
ted, and received, than where the people are held 
to a state of stupid ignorance. And the selfish 
desires of legislators too generally work them in- 
to measures of policy, at variance with the com- 
mon " rights and interests of mankind ; which, 
when viewed by the pure rules of justice, or as 
experienced by those subjected to them, are per- 
ceived, and felt, to be sorry evils. And in the 
work of enacting such evils, no legislative body, 
ever yet, went beyond that of Great Britain, 
Within the last half century, they have done all 
that could be done, to oppress and enslave, the 



59 

laborious part of the community ; in measures 
to advance the rents of their farms, by the en* 
actment of distressing corn laws, backed up by 
many minor evils. Regardless in their views to 
promote common good, their chief aim has been 
to raise their interest, by high rents ; and the re- 
sult of that aim, has been an overstretched in- 
come, and overbearing aggrandizement. And 
they have effected the intended purposes, to an 
extent, seldom, if ever surpassed ; while the con- 
dition of the industrious part of the community, 
has been rendered worse. Is not the evil of an 
extensive exclusive right to land, made manifest- 
ly clear, in the enormous high rents, paid by the 
farmers in England ; and the worse than worth- 
less conduct of the proprietors, in applying those 
rents to extravagant and useless purposes? 
And what just right have they to such extreme 
privileges? Would a government, whose views 
led them to act for the general welfare of a peo- 
ple admit or allow extremes, hurtful to common 
good? Or — is it right to enforce such a differ- 
ence? If land proprietors, that live in idle afflu- 
ence, and wastefully destroy, what others want, 
were necessarily, as others are, compelled to 
perform that duty, right demands of all, in use- 
ful labour meet to self support ; would not the 
general state of society become benefitted by the 
measure? And does not right demand that all 
should labour, for k what they gain? Is an ex- 



GO 

treme better than an equilibrium? I would say 
not. 

Behold the state of the people in England* in 
all its variety of orders, and view every condi- 
tion minutely, and you will see the evidence of 
difference, made in society by practical evils. 
And the various evils are now become so nume- 
rous, that to give a minute statement thereof, or 
class them, would be a tedious task but I shall 
endeavor to point out those of a leading cast ; 
with the consequent results* And the first in or- 
der, of the many enormous evils as 1 have before 
stated, is an established overgrown property, 
produced by a privileged right to land, that is 
now become prodigiously great, and wonderfully 
powerful, in the scale of national policy.. To 
force into existance, or to allow such privileges, 
is to pass beyond the common rights of mankind; 
and if a privileged right is politically necessary, 
a bounds ought] to be fixed to the favored privi- 
lege. But a continuation of those evils, that are 
hurtful to the common rights of a community, is 
a breach of upright policy, and bears in the ef- 
fects, produced thereby, incontrovertible evidence 
of corrupt government. The balances of civil 
policy, never ought to be tainted with corrupt al- 
loy, for when all the dross is thrown into one 
scale, by the overpowerful workings of the other 
scale, the just balance of common right becomes 
corrupted. And when found so to be, by the 



61 

practical operation of any measure, craftily or 
needfully forced upon the public, necessary laws 
to stop the progress of the evil, ought to be enact* 
ed and enforced. When the supposed needful 
cause, that works up oppression is removed, and 
selfish ends are the only causes to favor a con- 
tinuance of the evil, every justly plausible pre- 
text, in favor of such measures, is worked out 
of being: and the evil, with all its train oi abuses 
should then be removed. The co-operative 
workings of a vartety of causes, within the last 
half century, have produced an advance of rents 
to land proprietors in England, that stands un- 
equalled in the annals of the country, and is now 
become a most lamentable evil. When the 
means to establish a certain source, to raise a 
mighty needful supply, to meet the wants of the 
British government ; were under the considera 
tion of the then acting managers of leading af- 
fairs, in the progress of national policy, the land*- 
ed property was hit upon, as, the most certain 
source to furnish those wants, So concluded 
measures to enforce the imposition were drawn 
under consideration, and it was determined, as 
necessary, to the certain fulfilment of the pur- 
pose, to devise means, by which the rent of land 
might be raised ; and approrpiate corn laws, to 
work up the desired end, were enacted; by 
which, and other causes, that interveningly 
w<xrfeed up^ the rents of farms were generally 



62 

raised more than fifty per cent ; and in many in- 
stances more than doubled. And the spirit of 
improvement and enterprise, into which the peo- 
ple were drawn, gave an assisting force to the 
measures of government, and the increase of 
wealth, though the people were encumbered by 
heavy burthens, took a rapid advance, to extreme 
greatness; but the overgrown evil, has, in all 
probability, reached the utmost point of magni- 
tude. Be that as it may, the certainty thereof, 
will eventually come — causes will certainly pro- 
duce their consequent results. And all extremes 
are evils— and those extremes, that press upon 
the common affairs of a community, are certain 
to become weighty evils. Although the first ap- 
pearance produced by extremity, may hold to 
view promising hopes of lasting good, permanent 
good will not find a fast link in an extreme cause. 
And the extremes worked up by the government 
and others in the]British empire, are become sore 
evils, and will eventually work down, and sink 
to ruin, that crafty system of policy, and down 
with it will come, the wondrously incomparable 
works of ingenious art, and unexampled indus- 
try. If the ruling powers in Britain, were sin- 
cere in their intentions, or measures of govern- 
ment; the oppression now overbearingly impo- 
sed on industry would soon cease, and those mil- 
lions of people, that are passing through exist- 
ance in slavish misery, would partake, of those 



G3 

comforts, that every useful member of a commu- 
nity ought to enjoy. And their labour, would 
give them an ample supply thereof* if not too 
closely trimmed out of the proceeds. But all 
measures, pretentionally enforced to remove ex- 
isting evils, are the offsprings of deceiving art ; 
and all that so comes forth as a removing cause, 
will come short out— will not produce an ef* 
fectual remedy, to an evil. 

Is it not in the power of the British govern* 
ment, and the proprietors of farms let at high 
rents (before noticed) to remove those leading 
causes to the slavery and oppression, into which 
the industrious part of the community are drawn? 
Would not proper laws fully enforced, with a 
meet reduction of rents, be leading steps to pro- 
duce the needful remedies, to the many oppres* 
sive evils— have been much too long forced on 
the people? — Spite of long continued customs, or 
common usages, all proceedings and dealings, 
that impose oppressive burthens on the bulk of a 
community, and raise a few to the top pitch of 
useless extravagance, are at variance with the 
common interests of society ; and common good 
demands a discontinuance of all such dealings 
—because, they are common evils. But to mend 
or remove the vile abuses, exercised in the spirit 
of selfish desire, needless aggrandizement, and 
overbearing authority ; common experience has 
generally found, to be beyond the reach fof the 



64 

oppressed ; for they are not allowed any share 
in governing power. Property makes interest 
and interest bears influencing power. To be 
capable in common sound understanding, and 
extensive knowledge, is not admitted as sufficient 
to qualify a man to hold a public situation or 
office— -nor will the additional recommend of 
honest integrity, and virtuous stability, stand as 
sufficient, to enable a man to exercise the duty 
or power, of a legislator. But a sorry fellow, 
destitute of the above worthy qualifications, if 
possessed of high rated property, may become a 
legislator, by election ; and if possessed of the 
hereditary right of nobility, becomes a legislator 
by the privilege of that right. And so in Eng- 
land, by artful means variously worked up, all 
right to become a legislator is made partial — is 
sscured in the power of property. And the in- 
dustrious part of the community,, by securing 
power in property are held destitute of right to 
legislative power, and in the state of naked sub- 
servience. On the foundation to create proper- 
ty, without raising a value thereon by labor, and 
securely establishing property so created, the 
corner stone of the tower of imposing wrongs 
is fixed. And so the people are stripped, and 
held naked of just rights. And property so cre- 
ated, is, by artful measures, that have produced 
a boundless amount of overbearing wrongs, 
jnade the most active agent in government poli- 



65 

ay.. Ft generates a monopoly of power that 
bears corrupt fruits ; it blazens in lofty pride, and 
becomes an idolized lord, dignitary, or common- 
er. Man alas! becomes so much above him- 
self, in a, high situation, or rank,.as to appear to 
act, as though he had. forgot he is no more than 
what? man.!. 

If we turn; our attention,, to the many evils 
that abound in society, and; trace them back to 
their sources, we generally find monopoly to be 
a first cause to many, that have been long con- 
tinued. And if we trace the connexion, on the 
authority of, history, by a clear rule,, we may 
clearly perceiye, by what inducements, men are 
led to raise new evil causes.. And so traced, the 
monopoly of, land will generally be found the 
first, andone of the worst monopolies, ever work- 
ed up by artful policy. Before land became held 
by an exclusive right, it was in common, free 
alike to all living beings.. But the human race 
have invented a rule of right, to set up partial 
claims to bounded plots of land; depriving all 
other of their species,, the right tooccupy or use 
them.. For on; the authority of. rights,. establish- 
ed by legal, deeds,. lands are made partial, rights; 
and if confined to self improved 'bounds, partial 
rights never would become an eviL Industry— 
although unsparingly stripped ;— by every rule of 
just right, is entitled to hold secure right, in the 
value contained in the property, produced by la- 

E. 



66 

hour. The irijght to all improvements on land, 
and to tl?e produce thereof, when raised by self- 
industry, is contained in every rule, set forth to 
maintain just right. But when land becomes 
possessed, by an overgrasping desire to secure a 
living profit, without bending to perform a ne- 
cessary duty, in the supply of self support by 
useful industry, the exclusive right to land, so 
held, becomes an evil. For it secures to posses- 
sors, necessary support independent of labour, 
and makes them useless members of society ; 
unless worthlessness, and wasteful extravagance 
may be termed useful,. And where an heredi- 
tary aristocracy is established by law, that such 
a right shall descend to succeeding generations, 
of the same family line, in perpetual order, the 
equitable rights of the people of that country, 
are thereby infringed. x\nd the many, are by 
the pressing force that necessity brings, unavoid- 
ably drawn to contribute, to the support of ex- 
travagant luxury, and worthless idleness. And 
is it right that an overabundant quantity of land 
becomes so held? Is not such an overstretch a 
breach of natural, and pure social rights? W here 
mankind are but a little advanced above the 
state of nature, as in the uncultivated wilds of 
America, the land within the boundaries of a 
nation, is alike free, to all the people of their 
.tribe. To that honest people, exclusive right 
is unknown. In honest simplicity they remain 



6? 

pure — untainted by the overbearing stain oi pr* v-_ 
ileged rights — the distinction enforced by the 
privileging laws of more improved nations, is not 
known among them. Nations that overstretch 
the bounds of perfectibility, in their rules of im- 
provement. If the American Indians were im- 
proved in the rules of civil order, to the extent 
of fixing comfortable settled abodes, and provi- 
ding by settled industry, all that is necessary to 
support cleanliness, and procure good food and 
raiment, they would be at the height of pure so- 
cial perfection. So improved, all that is needful 
to give vigour, and comfortable ease, would be 
by them r enjoyed ; free of being placed under 
the force of slavery, all would enjoy the same 
common right, while purely protected by one 
common law, honestly simple, and impartial. 
But we have very little given, by authentic ac- 
counts of past times, that stands to prove, that 
governments have been established by the rules 
of equitable right. And we find, that those 
founded the most free of partial taint, have, by 
age, always become more corrupt; and have 
finally brought on their own ruin, by the working 
of insatiable desire to obtain extensive dominion 
that has necessitated them, oppressively to bur- 
then the people.; yea, to force them under a 
boundless stretch of absolute power, a certain 
means to warm up a liberal minded community, 
inio hot disaffection. And so it is, that govern- 

E2' 



68 

aients are stripped of their strongest sinews, and i 
^ultimately weakened down to the loss of power 
to the end that works a final destruction. Of 
all governments of the present time has any per- . 
fected all as above, so fully as that of Britain? 
Is not all completely fulfilled, by the measures 
of that government, except the people's part, of; 
retaliative revenge, to the extent of a total over- - 
throw? And will not the people eventually ef* 
feet that? The mind that is directed ; by the pure 
principles of honest desire, in observations on 
the ways of self-authorized, or legalized power. . 
will perceive, that the common good of a com-. 
munity, comes little within the intention of those 
men, who are actively busy to . obtain riches. 
Riches! so called— to become possessed, of an 
overabundant right to more, than will give a 
needful supply, and, .to be involved in unneces- 
sary careful anxiety or splendid bustle, is com-- 
monly looked too as becoming rich. . And little 
possessed of any other care, are those persons, . 
who freely sip in, the thirsty draught of insatia- 
ble desire ; for needless gain.. And the bound- 
less stretch of British legislators, to obtain a cer- 
tain supply, to the necessary wants of govern- 
ment, has given to such favoured people, an in- 
creased income, that has settled upon industry, 
an> overbearing burthen. However projected or 
enforced,. the weight of all national burthens, is 
passed to that class of people, allotted to bear it 



•69 

-for however, or in whatsoever form laid on oth- 
? ers; all oppressive measures, are eventually press- 
ed on the labouring part of society. Nor can so 
clear a fact, escape being known to any person, 
possessed of common sense. And the schemes 
for such purposes, are produced by delusive 
measures, craftily set forth, as if intended lor 
common good. And are authoritatively enforced 
by persons exercising power, under cover of a 
pretext to superior wisdom and learning; but 
whose deeds seldom prove them, to be honestly 
inclined, in their public duties. Absolute rule 
has ever been the directing guide, in the manage- 
ment of governing duty, till the governed have 
become oppressed, past their power to bear ! And 
so forced, have performed the work of ruin, in 
a resolute and determined manner. Do not ab- 
solute wrongs, work against common good? Are 
legislators faithful in their duty, who enforce such 
. wrongs, to the extent of enraging physical pow- 
er to overrun all rule? Can the common rights 
of society, ever be brought to a secure bearing 
by overbearing measures. ]s not the British 
government by a base policy, worked into over- 
bearing measures of oppression? And do not 
B ritish land proprietors, by their boundless over- 
charge of rents, work up oppressive evils? And 
do not the British East-India and other charter- 
ed companies, by their privileged rights, work 
upon the people distressing burthens? And m 



not every monopoly a. distressing evil? And 
would a really good government, grant, allow, 
or enforce, any measure to promote oppressive 
wrongs? Why are religious establishments rais- 
ed up, to be supporting props, to the evil work- 
ings of governments? Are trumpetings of an 
unknown cast necessary, to support overbearing 
power? Is right duty held a directing guide, in 
making imaginary dogmas facts? Is the Welfare 
of mankind made dark by a cloudy horizon? Js 
clearness less necessary than overwhelming dark- 
ness? Is the light of purity darkness to the 
clearly perfect mind? Are extremes worked up 
by any pretext, a proof of rational conduct?— 
But all our enquiries would till a volume; and 
let us turn to state an oft repeated fact ;• That in 
every country, placed under liberal rights, in the 
governing departments; duty binds those pos- 
sessed of managing power, to remedy existing 
evils. But by close observation, we may clear- 
ly perceive, that trivial is the regard,- to progress 
by a right line of duty, in the management of 
public concerns. With those holding ruling pow- 
er, self interest is, or becomes, a leading object 
of desire ; and the rights of a people, misused in 
a wrong application of duty, eventually become 
destroyed by overbearing measures. For over- 
bearing measures, set forth in a wrong use of 
duty, have a tendency to produce overbearing 
power, in the violation of laws, enacted to se- 



71 

cure the rights of a people, associated under a: 
free government. And so it is, and so it will be 
so long as the violators of duty, of weighty im- 
portance, escape with impunity. Improved so- 
ciety, till purely governed, will, by various means 
deal corruptly. Improved society, when purely 
governed, will deal honestly. Society is system- 
atically linked, and every part has a duty toper- 
form, nor is it by the legal power of office, that 
any man in a country possessed of a free govern- 
ment, becomes an absolute tyrant. On behold- 
ing mankind, as linked in one extended chain, 
we perceive a dependent and pressing want. 
B ut (as we have often before asked) why should 
one link of the social chain, press a dispropor- 
tionate weight on other links? When men ap- 
pointed to perform duties of high trust, enforce 
unconstitutional measures, their hostile practices 
against the law, speak an active breach, in gov^ 
erning power. And pure justice demands that 
such violators of the laws of a purely equitable 
constitution, should suffer by punishment, as 
open rebels, for they certainly are, the worst of 
rebels. A rebellion of power over right, is worse 
than a rebellion to regain lost right. For when 
men decked in legal authority, break through the 
bounds of duty ; and under cover of that garb, 
the bounds of right are overrun ; and the people 
are ignorant of the wrongs done them; and by 
the want of knowledge, and due guardian care 



72 



wer their rights, they become deprived of therrt: 
then under the shades of ignorance and the.pres- 
sure of desponding neglect, they are held sub- 
jected slaves. Overbearing power, though- often 
enforced in practice, is not justifiably admissible 
where the pure principles of reciprocal right, are 
held a directing rule. Where upright integrity 
is held pure in common dealing, there is pure 
honesty. Property dishonestly gained, is a dis- 
honest acquisition, and cannot, by any honest 
means, be made a justifiable right. The enforce- 
ment of laws, made to secure to every individu- 
al member of a community, the right to proper- 
ty honestly gained, is necessary. But overbear- 
ing laws are unnecessary, because they enforce 
wrong — and in the violation of equal rights, are 
known to be a common evil. Beholding man- 
kind as they are, in the bonds and order of so- 
cial union and intercourse ; we perceive them to 
be linked into a state of dependence; and by 
close observation, find the many parts to make 
one complete whole, which, if not kept under 
the direction of right rules in every part, becomes 
weakened, and eventually broken asunder. But 
why is it, that a few links of the social chain 
press a disproportionate weight on the many 
links? Are such pressing measures reconcileable 
with the rules of good government? When by 
good laws, the rules of reciprocal right are made 
a binding duty, can dutiful power admit an over- 



It 

'bearing Wrong as right? But who can, by worcls 
set forth the difference, between right and wrong 
measures of power? Will not right governing 
measures, keep a community within right bounds'? 
And will wrong governing measures, keep a 
community right? — Clear .proofs, and real dis- 
plays of a wrong use of power, are set forth in 
the extremes, of high excess, and low poverty! 
There, false statements and exaggerated repre- 
sentations, declared and set forth as facts, are 
not ; for there the reality appears as it is. By 
the means, procured to support one extreme, 
prosperous ease and excess are upheld ; and in 
the other, extreme enslaved poverty is too gener- 
al. Who can perceive a real necessary good, 
in enslaving mankind, and keeping them poor? 
And why so enslave them, and keep them down? 
We cannot perceive, that by any fair rule, it can 
be made reconcileable with just right, for a few 
of mankind to enslave the many. But where* 
ever we look, so we behold it is! And the forcing 
means of the powerful and rich, are seen and 
felt, and known; in sorry experience, by the dis- 
tressed poor, to be very much amiss! Such 
measures cannot come by fair rules, nor by the 
pure use of good laws! Custom begets habit 
and bad habits produce evil! But, of all the 
great variety of evils worked up, to impose, de- 
ceive, cheat— the main weight is always wrought 
to burthen the working class with additional la- 



74 

hour; and with the addition of labour, little of 
the additional means to procure support is gain- 
ed. And all they gain by extreme labour is by 
them found, in sad experience, to be at the best, 
very little more than is needful; to provide the 
necessary support for their families. By pressing 
necessity, to be held down to labour continually; 
to obtain no more than bare support, few would 
desire. But more of wrong than this is pressed 
on the honest working man I S la very,- poverty, 
distress, misery — are made the lot of the honest 
working man; by overbearing knavery — by op- 
pressive wrongs! Oh distressing eyils! Oh la- 
mentable woes! Can words tell the misery 
produced i by the overbearing force of human 
authority!' Possessed of a needful share oi com- 
mon sense, and free in mind arid action, from the 
shackles of designing craft, the working man be- 
holds the evils,- that- surround him; and laments, 
or silently bemoans them! But while he holds a 
perfectly upright rule, his only guide, he remains 
an honest man; and while he so remains, small is 
his chance to gain riches; and hard his struggle 
through life ! For,- those are cast to such a state, 
are by a pressing duty bound, to labour closely 
for little! Can the distressing oppression of ty- 
rant injustice* be forced and riot felt? Oris ij 
right to destroy common good, by the enforce- 
ment of of overbearing oppression. 



75 

When the practices of mankind— as we have 
variously before stated — are stretched beyond 
the bounds of reciprocal advantage, and mutual 
rights become thereby destroyed, such customs' 
are felt to be weighty evils. To remedy all im- 
portant evils, would ever be a chief care, with 
all well intentioned governments. Nor would 
it be allowable, where good government existed' 
to continue any practices, known and felt to' 
be common evils. To allow or admit common 
wrongs, by experience, will invariably be found 
a sure indulgence, or grant, to draw a people in- 
to dishonest eXtremes^to break the bonds of re- 
ciprocal right- And when made overbearing, by 
becoming extended to every order of a commu- 
nity ; and many are, by such means, pressed down' 
into the woeful tracks of slavery, and miserable 
distress; then the evils become felt to be lament- 
ably sore; then the evils become seen; then the' 
evils are past removal by a common remedy? 
Extremes on extremes may crowd, and bear alf 
Order down. For mankind are capable to break- 
through right and order ; and the determination 
enforces the action ; that once resolutely settled 
with fearless rage and violence to push fhe havoc* 
all of the desired purpose within their reach and 
power is effected : And when caused by Oppres-' 
sive wrongs is generally resolute. 

When we behold the numerous evil practices 
into which mankind fall, and contemplate the 



T6 

'Consequences, a woeful picture is present before 
the mind. And when by close observation we 
view ihe causes, we behold the main part to come 
forth, with spreading contagion 'from the base 
1 disorders of governments. Were ^governments 
more honestly sincere in their intentions, the com- 
munities they rule, would be more happy. Very 
diminutive are the results, that cometforth in the 
measures of governments, towards common good. 
The general aim of governments is power, riches, 
voluptuousness, aggrandizement,-^-with many 
more evils-^very little of upright integrity. Such 
are the governments of the present time, and if 
history informs us right, they have ever been such 
'm time past. And many are the artful means 
governments employ, tokeep the people in a state 
meetly lit, to fulfil the slavish drudgery, that 
boundless desire continues to enforce. Super- 
stitious ignorance among the poor, is the state of 
mind, the most rich desire to keep them in. And 
when the poor break through the bounds of ig- 
norance, the contriving powers of the rich to keep 
them down, are necessarily on their part forced 
into uncouth measures of security, to their au- 
thority. But when a people begin to peep, wifh 
'observing scrutiny, into the means employed, and 
the ends produced, by government measures^ 
doubts as touching right, are given out and re- 
ceived, that nurse the spirit of free right-, how- 
ever contrary to partial laws; by which the over- 



77" 

bearing power of partial right becomes weaken^ 
ed, and the downfall , of overbearing oppression; 
Reflected.. Various have been the modes, by 
which the downfall or change of governments 
has been effected; but that the most desirable, 
and which alone,, can workup the establishment 
of lasting good to a, community, is an acquire- 
ment of the necessary, knowledge. . A. well found- 
ed knowledge, of, the difference between right 
and wrong measures of government, as touching 
the impartial rights of a social compact can only 
be well, established, by a right mode of education... 
And that education in the knowledge of govern- 
ment, can only be right, by which the understan-. 
ding capacity of the human mind, becomes in- > 
formed, that the genuine laws of just right, either 
in a natural, or an improved state, will not ad- 
mit any encroachment, that gives a partial favor, , 
or influence, to one or more of the members of a. 
community.. And; such a mode of education 
generally established, and freely taught, would; 
qualify every individual in a community, more- 
clearly to .see, .what unto man, belongs, as com-~ 
mon right.. And by the establishment of appro- 
priate laws, to- enforce equitable rights* and a 
meet education, to know when equitable laws, 
are infringed, with a continual watchful care on 
the part of the people, over the proceedings of, 
official meiv folio wed up by timely means to stop, 
all wrong proceeding, many of the evils^intQv: 



76 

jjphicb society is unsuspiciously drawn, would ba 
removed; and bad blossoms would be nipped oij* 
from growth in the bud. 

It is upon the ground of history that we know 
of past evils in society-:— it is upon the ground of 
present time, that we behold existing evils in so- 
ciety — and by experience we know them; be- 
cause we feel them. And the standing remains 
of extremely useless architecture are confirming 
proofs that overbearing power on £he part of 
governments has drawn the industrious orders of 
society into slavery;. Arid the present state of 
society displays in its passing round a numerous 
train of subservient underlings. The cn3 is long 
past— the other is recently past and passing at 
this present time in continued effects that work 
up new causes. To draw a view of long past 
evils is unnecessary — the reader will find them 
amply set forth in the histories of those times. — 
Long evils are gone beyond a remedy—and it is 
to the more recent, and passing evils of the pre- 
sent time, that necessity calls our attention. Be- 
cause to the existing evils, and the causes that 
produced them, we need a remedy. A peace- 
able and satisfactory remedy, the powers that 
worked up the evils, can effect, and better would 
it be, than to press, by a continuance of forced 
wrongs ; the strongest physical powers, to turn 
the scales of government ; by their united efforts. 
For, when too mucli is done, and too long, djst 



79 

satisfaction increases; till resolution becomes cle? 
termined, when force becomes necessary, havoc 
becomes terrible. To the country of my birth, 
where fatal extremes are stretched, to the ut- 
most pitch of various intemperance, that study 
can invent, or desire crave! To luxurious su- 
perfluity, impassioned sensuality — to all; that m 
the paths of life, (Jestipys the privileged class, of 
all the bounds of virtue! And bears down pov- 
erty by oppressive slavery, mid distressing want, 
— 1 look in thought to future woeful consequenc- 
es, which will surely befall that country with fear- 
ful trembling! 

To every member of a community, the just 
laws of equity, would secure the proceeds of self 
labour, provided that every member thereof, was 
by necessity, pressed to labour for self support, 
and common rights demand of every individual, 
so much, as a common duty to society. And this 
we hold to be a bounden duty that every mem- 
ber of a community ought to fulfil, and those 
that do not, we would declare deficient, in the 
account of necessary usefulness to society. But 
when in the aggregate folly viewed, we do not 
suppose that every individual shall toil, at all the 
variety of labour, necessary to produce, by self 
handy work, all that is needful to supply all 
wants; but shall produce enough, of that they are 
the most accustomed too, that is, the particular 
trade or calling, or business of th^ir use, to pro? 



80* 

oure all things wanted for comfortable conveni- 
ence and good living.. Nor do we suppose that 
all men shall labor with their hands — but we 
think that men, employed in public capacity, 
should receive no .more than a, meet competency 
for their services.. For it never, could by a fair 
estimate, be made admissible, to give a man 
more per day for public servitude, than he re- 
ceives, who works .at the plough or any other la- 
borious work.. How can any person think other- 
wise, who fairly considers that mankind are na- 
turally equal,. in requiring.the necessary wants of 
hunger? Excess comes in luxury , or a voracious, 
appetite — and all the common wants of moder- 
ate, of necessary need, stand alike in the course 
of good order, and. all that surpasses good order,. 
is an unnecessary evil, that in the course of liv- 
ing, will be the better to leave undone.. The ad- 
mission of privilege, or overrated pay, in any 
employ, works upon am overbearing conduct,, 
that sets the raised man, above himself, and sets ■ 
the oppressed man below himself — we are not 
with those, who will be led to think, .such modes, 
are right — we will not— we cannot — advocate- 
imposed evils.. 

We would remonstrate by all that truth can 
reach, by all that just reason can fathom, and by 
all that pure right would admit to be obtained, 
against bestowing privileged favours from any 
kind or sort of public stock, or property, or out 



81 

of any funds, raised by public burthens. In 
short, we would make the laws the ruling pow- 
ers, and official men, the manageing workers of 
those powers; we would further remonstrate 
against all measures, or means, becoming allow- 
able to be practised, that had a tendency to pro- 
duce to one person, or a company Of persons, 
profits from the labour of the many ; and fur- 
ther, we would remonstrate against all monopoly, 
that would give any man an ascendant power 
over others; we would also remonstrate against 
all given and usurped power, beyond what may 
be laid down as directing rules, by plain and 
just laws ; finally, we would remonstrate against 
any overbearing ascendant power of man, over 
man. Because we are led, by cool observation, 
to believe, that mankind to be well governed, 
need not an overbearing stretch of absolute 
power. Because we consider an absolute over- 
stretch of power, to be a fundamental cause to 
many of the evils, to which the many various 
parts of protection to absolute rule, are linked. 

We found these remonstrances or general 
history. We will deal out particulars to show 
the proofs clearly true, and in England, a coun- 
try of boasl^d purity of law and liberty, w r e will 
seat them. Of all the countries of modern times, 
none has surpassed England in a boundless 
stretch of extremes. Is such an example wor- 
thy of imitation? Many good qualities, worthy 

F 



82 

of imitation, aboundin England > more fully, than 
in the most of other countries ; and much too 
many evils are there boundlessly overstretched. 
And of the good, are extended charity, benifi- 
cence, hospitality, punctuality, with other nobfe 
virtues. And of the evils, are confident credu- 
lity, superstition, suicide, murder, duelling, rob- 
bery, thieving, fraud, oppression, distress, intem- 
perance and lewdness. How opposite the views 
of mankind! How opposite the ways of man- 
kind! To encourage that is good; to restrain 
that is good. To encourage that is evil ; to res- 
train that is evil. To labour by encouragement ; 
to desire, to avoid — to give multiplied variance 
to society. Of laws to encourage such contra- 
dictory variance, England has her numerous 
shelves, crowded with musty volumes. What 
unnecessary trash! What worthless nonsense 
is there, wrapped up with care, to remain silent! 
And, how inapplicable to social good! The 
wigged lawyers are mostly sorry beings ; more 
exalted, but not less mean, than pettifoggers. 
Better would it be for the people, if improved 
communities did not admit such professional or- 
ders. We have not a wish to be rash, nor would 
we fear to be true — it is not against men that we 
would utter blame ; but, against the practices of 
men, who abuse the name. Whatever may 
cause the cast of the source, it is not possible for 
pure rationality to flow, from empassioned de- 



83 

sire. And the desire of lucrative gain, is, in an 
improved state, a leading evil, that brings in its 
train a numerous variety of ills — high rents-— 
low wages— heavy taxes — all causes of extreme 
difference in society, are unjustifiable evils. B ut 
are evils, to which mankind have boundlessly 
extended their practices, under every different 
state of improvement, and under every form of 
government ; and ever will, till laws become 
the ruling powers, and all laws are made justly 
equal, plain, impartial-— free of all that would 
give an overbearing ascendency, to any indi- 
vidual member of a community. Were we to 
be questioned, how it would be possible to work 
up such a change in the w r ays of society, we 
would reply. — That we consider all human be- 
ings capable of knowing the advantages of a 
really improved condition — to be desirous of en- 
joying all, that will render life comfortable — that 
the attainment of self good, is also desirable in 
every individual ; and that the different views 
thereof are worked up in education, custom, 
habit, propensity, desire. — That mistaken cus- 
toms, or habits,, produce erroneous effects, and 
that education, and a propensity to desire, lay 
the foundation to many evils. — That the bulk of 
mankind, are, by the example of those exalted 
above them, inadvertently drawn into extreme 
foolishness, and unnecessary excess. In short, 
the foundation of every common evil, is laid by 

F2 



84 

the enforcement of wrong measures of govern- 
ments. In beholding the different orders oi man- 
kind, in an improved state, we see a vast di- 
versity in the pursuits— the progressive modes, 
of passing through life. And if by observation 
and pressing anxious desire, we are led to ruminate 
on the causes of the difference, so commonly, 
and so clearly displayed, in the conduct of 
the numerous busy beings; we are drawn to 
perceive, a vast variety of links chained togetl> 
er. And by comparing the links, and the dif- 
ferent parts of each link, and tracing them dis^ 
tinctly ; we clearly perceive each part, to pos- 
sess, a self acting power, that is capable to do, 
or not to do, as inclination may direct. And 
when a struggle happens to arise, that sets the 
power of self action at variance, the enforcement 
stands checked, till moved by a decisive conclu- 
sion. And by tracing the enforcement, and the 
action, back to the causes, that gave rise to im- 
proved society, whether by tradition, by history, 
or by self observation in passing time, our con- 
clusions will be invariably the same. That 
anxious desire, with all that selfish views work 
up to enforce ; presses the mind to an empas- 
sioned resolution, to accomplish the [wished for 
end. And pressed by a passionate wish, men 
become determined to draw others to obedient 
subjection, to servile slavery ! And by an as- 
sumed authority by the name of King &c. gain 



85 

an ascendant power, that is by them worked up, 
to an absolute right ; and efficatiously become 
possessed of supreme command ; and call the 
rest of mankind their subjects ; and claim an ex- 
clusive right to all land ; aud create their favour- 
ites, lords and dignitaries ; and give them exclu- 
sive rights to large tracts of land. And so proper- 
ty is created, and by the creation of property 
power is established, and governments are form- 
ed to secure established, power* And by the 
privileged favours bestowed upon their favorites, 
those favourites become obligated to assist kings 
in all necessary measures of security to their 
power, and in raising the necessary supplies to 
defray all needful expenses, for the support 
of needless excess. And so it is that founda- 
tions are laid to raise absolute governments. By 
such means the few are made earthly gods and 
rulers, and the many vassals and slaves, and 
governing laws are passed by legislative authori- 
ty, meetly formed to secure to the ruling lords 
their power — and many of them govern with 
iron sway. And who, but idiotic fools, in favour 
of such rulers would vociferate AMEN? or 
Huzza. 

So established, so governments continue ; the 
few to impose on the many, and this extreme 
has been often extended, far beyond what any 
untried system could be considered certain to 
effect. Because, in point of physical strength, 
the people are the most powerful. And where 



S6 

rests the incapability? We would say, in the want 
of the necessary knowledge on the part of the 
populace, to discern clearly through the crafty 
workings of imposing policy ; through the lead- 
ing causes to common evils. And if perchance, 
we were questioned; whence originated the 
leading causes to the many various common 
evils of society, we would reply : That, the natu- 
ral endowments of the mind became active by 
accidental desire ; and as desire became more 
enlarged, it forced up a pressing anxiety, that 
became determined to satisfy the craving pro- 
pensity, which brought into action, a prying dis- 
position ; and man discovered that he could dis- 
covered that he could rule his fellow beings, and 
make them useful to self advantage, and others 
perceiving the advantage gained by rulers, 
also began to rule; and a distinction of or- 
ders among mankind, gradually arose; and 
governments were formed ; and laws enacted, to 
secure those distinctions to the men that became 
formal rulers, And men assumed the names 
of God, Emperor, King, Duke, Lord; with 
many other titled names, and forced as a duty, 
a godship obedience to them, on all inferior or- 
ders of Society, among the human species. — 
Thus men became rulers, and the rulers became 
tyrants : and the ruled were forced to become 
slaves ; and every means that human art could 
enforce, has been continually exercised, to hold 
the power secure, under absolute authority. 



37 

Had rulers been honestly sincere in their pre- 
tensions, and checked their boundless ambition, 
improvement would have worked out common 
advantage ; but by the manner in which commu- 
nities have generally been governed, the labour" 
ing people have been dep rived of their due share 
of benefit, in improved society. Whoever says 
it may ; can this be justly right? Were w T e to 
propose a form of government to accord with 
our views, it should be made out, as near as hu- 
man capability could reach, impartially honest i 
and fairly and truly just. 

A government formed by the rules of impartial 
honesty, purely exercised, could not admit in 
any enacted law, any clause, that would be- 
stow on individuals, or select companies partial 
favour. Nor could a government so formed, 
and acting as duty directed, enact a law, giving 
to a company self selected or formed, a charter- 
ed right to exclusive privileges. Partial favour 
made inadmissible, the laws would be the ruling 
power, and all the people would be alike, sub- 
jected to that power, An unnecessary round 
of repetitions, and worse than worthless enig- 
matical forms should be avoided, in framing 
the copies of all laws. All laws should be as 
concise as possible to be made, and hold the 
purpose clear, and plain to the view, by the 
drawing them intelligibly simple and purely 
just; fixing one invariable line of duty, to be the 



88 

directing guide to every individual member of the 
improved society. And to promote and enforce 
common good, a general regard towards a due 
observance of the laws, as touching self duty, and 
the duty of every other individual member of 
the community should be one continued care, 
that every person should look too, with due 
watchfulness. And one common mode of edu- 
cation should be generally established, and all 
should be alike instructed in a knowledge of the 
laws, because set forth to be a directing guide, 
to every individual member of a free community. 
And all the people of a free community should 
be instructed, to consider it a bounden duty, to 
bring violators of the laws, justly to receive that 
punishment, due to violated duty. And by an 
equitable code of laws, strictly held as the di- 
recting guide, by men officially appointed to en- 
force them ; the just rights of all the people 
living within the protection of a free govern- 
ment, w r ould be held secure. Especially, when 
aided by an equitable education ; with a strict 
observance of reciprocal duty, and reciprocal 
right; in all the dealings and transactions of 
life. Because all the said means would have a 
certain tendency, to draw the most numerous 
part of a community into orderly habits, into all 
modes of conduct ; necessary, to render life 
agreably happy, comfortably clean, affable, so- 
ciable, strictly honest, and sober. In short, no- 



thing in contradiction to any other standing law 
should be set forth in a law — the sole object of 
all laws, should be, to promote and support com- 
mon good ; and every able individual, should be 
bound by law, to produce, by self industry, a 
sufficiency for self support ; and to be temperate 
honest — all that would have a certain tendency 
to produce virtual happiness. And knowing as 
we do, that all real property is brought into ex- 
istence by industry; we would not admit any 
as real, except that which is real : and could 
not, therefore, admit, nor allow, any means or 
modes to be brought into existence, to create 
property to raise an overbearing interest; be- 
cause we consider it to be a privileged ad- 
vantage, studiously worked out, from the artful 
views of designing policy ; more firmly to secure 
absolute power to governments. And as a 
further reason, why we would not allow the in- 
troduction of any measures into existence, to 
create or raise a property by any means but that 
of industry, we would state, that we feel con- 
vinced that many of the evils into which man- 
kind, in an improved state of society have too 
aptly fallen; have originated in a partial mode 
of creating property. And we also would state 
as a principle of right, that the value of all 
property should be fixed, by the fair amount of 
labour it costs the producer. Nor would we 
allow any practices as lawful, in common 



90 

dealing, that were found contrary to pure 
honesty and true integrity in the transaction. 
Because, we consider all overstretched means 
to gain advantage over others, in trade or 
dealing, to be enforced by artful delusion, that 
is worked up by crafty falsehood, which, when 
traced out to the points of comparison, between 
right and wrong, is found to be worse than 
forced robbery, in the means used. But not 
beyond that, for we admit that in point of loss 
of property, the injury by theft, robbery, or art- 
ful fraud, is the same. But when we compare 
the means, we are invariably led to conclude, 
that crafty measures to transfix the right to 
property, are, to the extent of the artful 
workings, the worst evils ; because, enforced by 
delusive falsehoods, exercised to obtain property 
for less than an equivalent value, or, by swind- 
ling measures, to gain possession thereof, with- 
out giving firm security, in doubtless right to 
property for the amount. But— -we leave the 
reader to the exercise of his thinking powers, 
on these our remarks. 

We know that custom commonly establishes 
favourable opinions, towards common practices; 
and, that those who are opposed in opinion 
to existing evils, often declare that they think it 
impossible to remove them ; and substitute bet- 
ter customs, manners, fashions, &c. Because, 
they think mankind are by nature prone to evil; 



91 

and need to be governed, to check their evil 
desires. But we say that by nature we are 
no more prone to evil than other animals, and 
that our evil propensities increase with our im- 
provements ; and from this cause arises the ne- 
cessity to subject us to directing rules of govern- 
ment, to check — to stop — improper disorderly 
desires, conduct.— -And close observation, in- 
dustriously followed by the necessary reasoning 
reflections, will place a convincing demonstra- 
tion to the view of the mind ; that perfect rules of 
government are destroyed by contradictory laws 
that forbid, and admit, practices at variance. 
Laws that are enacted to enforce good order, 
and to encourage disorder; are certainly at 
variance ; and such a contradiction in standing 
laws, is certainly found in countries, that are 
placed under the directing power, of any good 
laws ; in laws that are passed to indulge and 
encourage mankind, to fall into the customary 
practices of bad habits. And so, the good and 
bad are held at variance, by a difference in 
choice, by which many evils are rendered in- 
curable.— -Would not a prohibitory law, against 
the common use of strong intoxicating liquors, 
be better as touching the promotion of good, in 
improved society, than licensing houses to ex- 
clusive privileges, in retailing inebriating drams ? 
Would not a law, against the use of the poison- 
ous plant, tobacco ; be more conducive to com- 



92 

mon good, than the admission thereof, on paying 
custom duty for importation ; and the retailers 
taking licences to sell it, to aid the revenue ? 
Exclusive of the evil habits enforced by the use 
of tobacco, is the nett amount of revenue raised 
therefrom, with the commercial and other 
trading profits, a beneficial good to a nation 1 
We would say not — but — leave the reader to 
pause — think soundly—- then form self opinion. 
Are not many articles imported, and pressed 
into common use, purposely to raise revenues 
for governments, lamentably hurtful to improved 
society ? And in a pure point of view, is the 
condition of a people rendered better, by 
extensive commerce ? — But Oh — this over 
pressing force-this crowd of ideas.—- 

What a numerous train of thoughts, will apt- 
ly press, forcibly, upon the minds of persons, who 
observe the many passing evils, in improved so- 
ciety; that will work up deep reflection. With 
lamentable feeling, they will behold the many 
wrongs, enforced ; by the many orders, and many 
modes of tyrant power ; the vast variety of ways, 
to gain an abundant stock of that, denominated 
riches; that many anxiously pursue, and others 
purposely at constant toil, do many employ. And 
all the modes, and ways, and purposes, work 
forcibly to press on the multitude, to become 
slaves by driving necessity. 

And observing persons, will also behold, how 



93 

needless that is, that is enforced by the anxious 
workings of insatiable desire ; and makes more 
than is needful ; especially when a multiplied in- 
crease brings not good in the train, nor satisfac- 
tion. On beholding they contemplate the causes! 
Alas! They perceive with sorrowful feelings, 
the evil consequnces — they wish a remedy — but 
the yet incurable disease stands fixed in spite of 
all the means that can be enforced to effect a re- 
moval. By entertaining, by indulging pressing 
desire, mankind war against their own happiness* 
health, life and all comes by empassioned in- 
fluence, gaining an ascendant power over the 
final mover, the last pressing force to action ; 
and so their minds become corrupt, and their ac- 
tions dishonest, base, wicked — and they lean for 
happiness, on empassioned desires. If mankind 
wish to enjoy real happiness, as we would wish 
to suppose they do ; and we were desired to 
point out the course of life, that most certainly 
in our opinion led to the enjoyment thereof; we 
would say the path was easy to tread, when per- 
sons could become capable, wholly, to rest 
their conduct on upright virtue ; and never pass 
the bounds pf perfect honesty. Because we 
think, that when persons, tread the course of 
life, that is in full accordance with every perfect 
rule, of honesty and virtue, they are in full pos- 
session of perfect happiness. If "an honest man 
is the noblest work of God," honestly is the no* 



94 

blest action of man. But what constitutes 
perfect honesty? We say perfect upright- 
ness, in doing as we would wish others to do to 
us, in all dealings, in all transactions, in all in- 
tercourse with one or more, with all ; with whom 
we do any business. And if to be found, of 
what class is such a person? By way of reply 
we would say of the class that performs useful 
operative labour; if to be found; is such a per- 
son. Those persons that own land or houses, or 
any other article or thing, or written instrument ; 
by which property is created by any means, ex- 
cept labour ; and profit, by letting out such crea- 
ted property, for a stated sum, for a given tkne, 
and by that means live in worthless luxury, in 
worse than uselessness, in spending the proceeds 
arising from the labour, of others ; we would say, 
are so far from being the noblest works of God, 
as to be the utmost extreme of the reverse ; and 
consequently the greatest evils in improved so- 
ciety.— -But-— those persons who depend on in- 
dustry for a living, and earn their living by 
industry; by useful handy labour; by bodily 
exertion ; and never defraud any person to the 
amount of one farthing ; nor take advantage to 
that amount in any trade ; nor trade to make 
a growing profit ; nor profit by the labour of 
others ; nor by any transaction or means inju- 
rious to others ; we would say are the most use- 
ful, the most perfect, members of improved 



95 

society-- -the most noble works of God ! ad- 
mitting the God we hold before our minds eye, 
to be a perfect being ! But let us here remark, 
that directed by rational views, and submitting 
those views to the aid of common sense, our 
directing course is the path we know ! That, 
beyond the reach of our knowing powers to 
comprehend, is beyond our reach, by all the 
aid those powers can bestow to understand.— 
And to know a God, by the ideas raised by 
imagination, is more than we can comprehend ; 
and we hesitate not in declaring knowledge, 
beyond the reach of our understanding powers, 
a shadowy knowledge. But this is not to the 
purpose of the subject before us, to analyze, to 
scrutinize, the ways of mankind, as directed and 
subjected, by the influence of overbearing pow- 
er ; when, by the aid of mental capability, and 
industrious exertions, a people are raised to an 
improved condition is the object of our present 
wish. ]f mankind were more generally, by 
any means, led to study their own species more 
fully ; and more closely compare the relative 
bearings of society ; they would discern more 
clearly the continual ills, that beset the human 
ways.— -And these ways are generallv beset, by 
the measures of governments.— -As set forth on 
the pages of history, all governments are proved 
to have degenerated ; to have passed into the 
more corrupt ; under the influencing arts, of re- 



96 

ligion and politics. To hold out opinions at 
variance with pure rights, and enforce measures 
founded on those opinions, is a pass beyond the 
bounds of duty. And if, by artful measures and 
habit, practices, founded on such opinions are 
made a reconcileable duty ; then imposture be- 
comes established, as true and right. And little 
is found, in all that history sets forth, that makes 
the measures of governments, a pure governing 
duty. And at this time, we see and know, and 
in experience have felt the proof; that right is 
not strictly regarded, in the performance of pub- 
lic duty. And those do not faithfully perform 
official trust, are no less than base violators of 
the law, and acting rebels, against their own 
authority. Many are the evils, continually 
worked up, by every order, in the ranks of of- 
ficial duty, that tend to overturn the rights of 
a people, and render public officers, safely ab- 
solutely, in the exercise of overstretched au- 
thority. If the measures of governments, con- 
stitutionally established, by the rules of re- 
ciprocal right, honestly held out a strict regard, 
to the welfare as the people; burthensome im- 
positions, and oppressive abuses, would be little 
known, The conduct of every public officer, 
ought to be tested, by close enquiry ; and every 
defect of duty, treated as a capital breach of 
law ; then those in trust to perform public duty 
officially, would not so often dare, to pass the 



97 

bounds of right ; in a wrong use of services.-*** 
In a genuine exposure of imposed wrongs, that 
are enforced against a people, by men officially 
exercising unjustifiable abuses over them, the 
value of the liberty of the press is found. The 
press contains a restraining power, over im- 
posing authority, deceiving art — over all the ills 
that enforce wrongs; when worked from the 
preparation of a forcible pen, that is not sparing, 
when knowing necessity demands its aid, to 
expose abuses, misdeeds, or any wrongs- 
wrongs bear down just rights. To expose the 
wrongs done under the mask of deceit, the 
press should not be sparing; but should confine 
its exposure to facts, and never become abusive, 
nor slack in the use of strong language, fully 
to expose abuses. And who but sticklers in 
support of tyrant power, or any wrongs that 
human beings might impose on others of their 
species, would wish the press shackled 1 That 
recording engine, that impresses quick and clear 
any given quantity of copies, of any work. That 
abundantly works out books, containing useful 
knowledge ; that is the general source whence 
information flows ; that exposes the wrong mea- 
sures of political power ; that points out the way 
to redress the wrongs imposed on the distressed 
poor ; that unmasks spiritual delusion ; that ex- 
poses the fatal effects of medical quackery; that 
shows the cheats at the game of law ; that 
G 



93 

spreads around a vast variety of information I 
And is it meetly necessary for the general wel- 
fare of mankind, that the liberty of the press 
should be curtailed to satisfy the wishes of over-* 
bearing policy? Does not the policy of all go-; 
vernments, lead them to aim at the accomplish-) 
ment of all they wish? That a desire to succeed 
in their measures of policy whether right ot 
wrong is generally a directing rule with govern-* 
ments, who can doubt? And will be the rule 
and aim of all governments, till laws become 
impartial in the letter and administration; till 
laws are made plain and clear, till laws are made, 
and held the directing guide and governing rule, 
jn the discharge of every public duty. Evil ru- 
lers are always contriving and enforcing evil 
measures ; and when men holding official power 
make a wrong use of duty, in a continued breach 
of right by law ; the most clear statement that 
can be sent forth in the strongest form of lan- 
guage, may come short in the expression, oi 
the sore distress that sufferers may experience. 
Many that are held down by the oppressive 
means of overbearing power, clearly behold the 
base imposing wrongs, enforced as legal rights 
to strip from them the earnings of industry ; bu( 
to become clear of the deep rooted overbearing 
evils, hold not command of means. For, while 
the dealers in oppression, hold the right to ex- 
ercise all rule, and without a due regard to com- 



09 

rnon rights, or standing laws, power is exercised 
by iron sway, and the oppressors keep a strong 
standing force to protect them against all at- 
tempts, to strip them of power; the suffering 
multitude may seek redress in vain.^-And evert ' 
No! only till determined no longer to submit, 
and becoming resolute, the powers of their united 
strength becomes enforced, and exercised with 
regardless fury to do the work of destructive ruin ! 
"When a combination of power has formed a 
strong barrier of security, against an oppressed 
people, the poor wronged sufferers are forcibly 
bound, to struggle through life in slavish misery ! 
Security and a right authority, may be necessary 
props to governments, But to enslave a people 
and oppress them with distressing burthens, is 
needless wickedness : JNor is it right for any 
individual or body of men, to possess the power, 
When government is beheld in the view of 
genuine right, a reciprocal proportion is seen, 
the marked rule, Burthens, imposed to defray 
needless expenses, and support the unnecessary 
aggrandizement of rulers, we perceive to be 
needless, wrong, and distressing ; and not war- 
rantable, nor sufferable. And is it right th^t 
men entrusted to manage the affairs of a govern- 
ment, may pass the bounds of duty and escape 
correction? Has any man, guilty of a breach of 
law, a right to escape with impunity? Are the 
laws of a country iust, when not alike to all the 

G2 



100 

people in their powers? If strictly watched in 
their duty, and brought under a due charge for 
every breach thereof, and on the proof of guilt 
duly punished, fewer would those be, found 
daring enough to violate the laws, in breaking 
through their public obligations. 

By the information to be obtained, from all 
the various sources within our reach, all that we 
learn truly to know, of the progressive improve- 
ments and changes, in the condition of mankind 
in past time, is very little ; and of very uncertain 
authenticity. By the contradictory relations, 
set forth as truths, our understanding becomes 
baffled* and certainly becomes doubtful. Ex- 
clusive of all the uncertainty set forth, by tra- 
dition and history ; we have full proof remaining 
in relics; that mankind have been highly im- 
proved, in time long past. And in those relics 
enough is found, to give a convincing proof, that 
boundless desire, has forced extremes in slavish 
toils on the industrious. Not to supply needful 
wants ; but, to labour unceasingly, to fill the in- 
satiable cravings of overbearing ambition ; and 
no more is produced in all that comes forth, by 
extreme labour, than the visible appearance of 
worthlessness. Mixed as it -is, with much of 
that is doubtful, it is nevertheless necessary to 
obtain a general knowledge, of the improved 
state of society in past time ; and fairly compare 
the past with the present. Possessed of such 



101 

knowledge, the people of passing time, will, 
more fully perceive, how artful and overbearing 
wrongs, were, and are, variously imposed on 
suffering communities, by speculating designers, 
and undutiful rulers. For it certainly is a very 
gross violation of duty, on the part of rulers, to 
suffer others, or by their own measures, to draw 
the people of a country under overbearing 
slavery ; for no more than bare support ; and for 
less, as has been, and is now known to be, in 
many countries. To strip industry of due rights, 
yea, more, to rob industry ; to cast industry un- 
der degradation ; to press industry into a linger- 
ing existence, by the forcing means of extreme 
labour, and pinching want ! Is it a proof of good 
government, to obtain by various means of the 
fruits of industry the greatest share, and waste* 
fully destroy those fruits in various unnecessary 
expenses? That bad government in time long 
past, was often exercised beyond bearing, we 
cannot doubt, and hold most certain truths as 
right. And at the present time, by observation and 
experience, 1 most truly know, that many evils, 
lamentable in their consequences; have been 
pressed on the people of a nation, known as 
great and powerful. But with the facts before 
us, the impressions made on our minds by habit, 
and common opinion ; and various other causes, 
are generally so fast rooted, as to require much 
labour of thought, before the thinking powers 



102 

can perceive, clearly to know delusion, fully 
enough to cast it off. Superstitious opinions, 
fixed in deep rooted obstinacy, are seldom cu^ 
rable ; and the mind that is afraid to think, is 
duped in all things! And whence arises the fear 
to exercise the thinking powers? Is not the fear 
seated in the mind by ignorance, and held fast 
by erroneous education and false opinions, in- 
tentionally held so seated ; to keep deluded ig- 
• norance down, to serve the artful? Is it not by 
a difference in the attainment of knowledge that 
an extreme difference in the circumstances of 
mankind is held in continuance. 

If mankind are beings that become changed 
by a change of circumstances, and that, they are 
we have demonstrable proof in practical ex- 
perience; an acquirement of the necessary 
knowledge would make the industrious parts of 
communities more fit, to hold a due rank in so- 
ciety. But that acquirement will never become 
attainable to all, till the requisite admission to 
obtain it, is made free to all. Pure systems of 
education, were never yet held out by go- 
vernments, as necessary to be established for 
common good. And why not? The answer 
clearly is ; because not meetly fit for the pur- 
poses of absolute rule. Delusive craft, has ever 
been a chosen guide to governments •, and the 
measures of governing art, have always been 
projected and enforced by a chosen few. And 



103 

by keeping them in the confines of dark igno* 
ranee ; the multitude of nations have ever, been 
held down to pass through life under a necessary 
submission, to slavish subjection* Such modes* 
and such neglect, in the governing policy of na- 
tions ; are, to the practice and security of good 
government, incompatible. A general, plain, and 
pure system of education ; by which all may be 
made capable to understand, and understanding 
know their bounden duty as good members of 
society, would be the most certain means, to 
draw improved communities into more perfect 
rules, to promote and secure more fully, the well 
being of mankind.-^It is not in prosperous ap^ 
pearances, that the general state or condition of 
a people is truly found* But where magnificent 
display is seen, the proof of a numerous train of 
meanlings is found, in the many servile depen- 
dents. Ignorance, holds mankind down in the 
mean confines of low dependence* The fetters 
of the mind, are generally in the influencing 
powers, that secure subjection to the will of 
others ; too strong to remove. — To instruct the 
tender mind to think aright, is a sure mode of 
teaching to know aright; and knowing aright, 
to be capable thereby to pursue a right course, in 
all the concerns of life ; and to guard against 
many of those besetting ills, to which ignorance 
is held a subjected prey. And if every individual, 
reared within the bounds of every community . 



104 

(now partially improved) was, by an appro- 
priate law, secured to the rights of a necessary 
education, to obtain the needful knowledge, to 
maintain a right standing in society; a more 
general perfection, in the order of social im- 
provement, than is, or by all we know, ever 
was ; would, in the proofs produced thereby, be 
found certain. But general perfection in the 
needful knowledge, to procure and maintain se- 
curely the general good of mankind, never yet 
appeared, to be desirable ; in the general laws 
set forth by legislators. Mankind have hitherto, 
in all improved communities, [by partial laws, 
been partially held divided ; and that partial di- 
vision, has ever been wrought into the two ex- 
mes, of too high, and too low orders ; in 
)ry advanced state. Extremes cannot pro- 
3e a certain good ; and extreme worthless- 
3S, and overbearing wrongs, destroy the mul- 
ides of nations of the benefits, produced by 
provement. And how can a remedy be prac- 
illy effected? Does the natural difference in 
nkind produce extremes in their condition? 
Are not the extremes worked up by educated 
art, the causes that enforce extremes in the con- 
dition of improved communities? Is not un- 
educated ignorance made the enslaved dupe by 
educated art! Would not one clear and plain 
system of education be a certain means to re- 
•move imposing wrongs? — Fundamental truths 



105 

fully demonstrated by facts are found beyond the 
reach of shadowy doubt. And the truths held 
to view in the condition, and unimproved intel> 
lectual capacity, of the untaught ignorant ; are 
verified in the proofs set forth, in the low 
circumstances to which unknowing industry 
is, for w T ant of the necessary knowledge, 
unavoidably held down. To be erroneously 
educated, or untaught in all things except in- 
dustry is at the present time, the common lot of 
the enslaved poor in all improved communities. 
A remedy to wrongs so over-abundant in their 
unrighteous effects, is a most needful and due 
right, in the just demand of the wronged multi- 
tudes, resident within the bounds of improved 
countries. Held to continual industry by va- 
rious overbearing measures, and in the state of 
simple ignorance by the artful dealings of more 
knowing knaves, the untaught working people 
remain ignorant of the wrongs imposed on them ; 
and pass through life necessarily fettered to con- 
tinual toil, for little more at the best, than a bare 
supply of needful wants. No part of a com? 
munity advanced to an improved condition, 
would be so held down, if governing powers 
were purely held to right rules, in the discharge 
of public duty. Especially if laws were purely 
formed, to secure common claims to equal 
rights, and all common advantages, alike to all ; 
and made strictly binding over persons holding 



106 

officially any trust* empowering them to perform 
any public duty* However enforced, or by 
whatever means* partial wrongs never will, by 
established usage become pure rights; and if 
the views of governments were confinedly held 
to the general promotion of mankind, general 
rights would thereby, be made more certain* 
But due possession of just rights will never be 
obtained, till every individual producer* is made 
the secure possessor of full value* for useful in- 
dustry. If the uneducated werejeducated to 
know aright, the various unequal bearings, art-» 
fully entwined in the links of the social chain, 
they would be more fitly prepared to avoid im- 
posing wrongs | in obtaining full value for useful 
industry. And .by a due security to avoid im- 
posing wrongs* the common rights of mankind 
w r ould be maintained *■ and the beneficial effects 
of improvement would become more general, in 
the more common enjoyment of the comfortable 
conveniencies of life* so secured* than they ever 
yet w r ere. Held ignorant in all things except 
industry, the working people in all communities 
are generally reared* to admit as rights imposed 
wrongs; absolutely pressed on them by over^ 
bearing measures; to which, in the simplicity of 
ignorance, and by the force of necessity, they 
are pressed to bend. And those of them that 
receive any instruction, to know any part ol 
right duty* are much destroyed of the benefits 



if? 

thereof, by imposing rules that are set forth as 
directing guides in the path of duty ; and hold 
an influencing bearing in the passage through 
life. For when mixed with valuable precepts? 
and held out as leading truths by the more 
knowing to the ignorant ; the untaught aptly be- 
come bigots* or changelings,- that turn round to 
every point* But those that think enough to 
know more, are not apt to admit as true, what 
is not solvable by demonstrative proof, nor 
found by experience to work effectual good. 

Favourable reports* backed up by artful state- 
ments, that splendid appearances display real 
truths, as touching general prosperity •* may be 
received as truths at a distance* or satisfy the 
cursory observer* when close enquiry would 
make the contrary proof clean Measures that 
produce an extreme difference* in the order and 
condition of society * never did, nor never will* 
in tendency or effect* work up any means* to se-< 
cure or promote the general Welfore of mankinds 
And discerning minds, not wishing nor intending 
more than honest right* and held right in all 
things by pure integrity ; never do* never will* 
admit partial wrongs* as good and just For by 
conclusive proofs* drawn from the evidence set 
forth in general facts* the rules of perfect right* 
are* to clear thinkers, rendered too plain to ad-- 
mit or believe imposing wrongs as right* al- 
though held up so to be by artful delusion ; and 



103 

established in the views of common opinion by 
Jong usage, as conclusively beneficial to society. 
The thinking observer who clearly perceives, 
will not be apt to be easily deceived ; but may 
be a deceiver; nor is it possible in the progress 
sive course of dealing, by partial interest, to pn> 
duce general benefit to society. Two leading 
ways are the primary entries, to the numerous 
paths to partial interest ? laid open by privileged 
rights, and imposed wrongs. And by many 
passages from the two wide leading ways when 
opened and closely pursued, the most numerous 
part of the community of any country, where 
such ways are opened, are by various pressing 
measures, forced into the utmost extremity of 
enslaved poverty. To be more plain ; when 
laws are made to benefit the few, the many are 
thereby reduced to a state of vassalage, to in- 
crease the interest of the few. Partial laws, to 
obtain and secure privileged rights, are not justU 
fiable. And why not? Because they are im^ 
posing wrongs. Where such laws are ; all the 
pretensions of governments to the intending com- 
mon good in passing them, are imposing delu- 
sions, set forth to satisfy wronged ignorance. 

The perfect line, set as a guide in the walks 
of social duty, is marked by an invariable rule 5 
and in its continual bearing through the course 
of time is never found to alter. And every pas- 
sing occurrence, whether of communities or indi 



109 

viduals, not strictly in the exact course of tfoef 
line, is a pass over the bounds of duty. 

All common evils have their origin in the cor- 
rupt measures of governments* and purity of 
rule will never become more certain, till man- 
kind become more generally better informed; 
and a radical reform in the governing powers of 
nations is effected. And by a general dissemi- 
nation of the necessary knowledge* to accom- 
plish and sustain a purpose so desirable, the 
hitherto uneducated and enslaved populace of 
nations, would know how to obtain, and secure- 
ly maintain* their rights; By common appear- 
ances and proceedings, the fact is made clear, 
that a disparity in the condition of mankind, is 
generally produced and maintained* by the 
means that make a difference in the cast of cir- 
cumstances. And surely, a more equal chance 
to obtain the necessary knowledge, would en- 
sure to all a more, equal chance to partake in 
the comforts of improvement; and by such 
means* an extreme difference in the casts of so- 
ciety, would become less. Defect in knowledge 
is held liable to be subjected to imposing wrongs. 
The masses of all improved nations, are by over- 
bearing wrongs* subjected to evils, which, by the 
voice that speaks to sound a common good, re- 
quire a radical ( reform. Behold Great Britain? 
Under the covering bombastic boast of good 
government, equitable laws, liberty of speech, 



no 

and freedom of the press! What is all the 
boasting of her rulers, and what are all the 
measures of her acting powers? Does their con* 
duct prove their boasting an established truth? 
Or is that boasting falsehood, to cover wrong 
measures? 

Numerous, and extremely various causes 
have been the producing means to the many 
evils, pressed on industry, in the United King- 
dom of Great Britain. To secure a maintain* 
jng interest, by any artful means within the links 
of a national chain, allowably admissible by 
law, or usage, has ever been held a justifiable 
right, in the practical ways of improved commu- 
nities. But rights so gained and held, are not 
made the more pure, by the indulgence of long 
usage; or the power of a protecting law — 
Whether viewed under the guidance of the laws 
of nature, or by pure rules of law to benefit im- 
proved society ; we behold power established and 
held by artful means, that strip from industry all 
but a mere trifle of its labour ; to be at variance 
with the just rights of mankind. 

All artful ruling knave?, base and improved ; 

When known corrupt in wrongs, should be removed. 

The secret arts the crafty measures, enforced 
by cabinet policy I do not presume to know — 
but— I have seen the results produced by the 
wrongs, enforced on the working people in Eng- 
land, far beyond all that good government, or 



Ill 

pure intentions would allow, or suffer to be en- 
forced. And I have seen the time when the work- 
ing people (in that part of the nation where the 
cotton manufacturing business is more extensive- 
ly established than in any other part) were not 
the slaves, the subjected drags, to an overbearing 
tyrannical, and distressing monopoly, over indus- 
try. When they were not compelled to attend 
so closely to their work ; nor work so many hours 
in a day ; ijpr their time was then their own j 
they were not subjected to attend to the calls or 
bells, to labour with continual attention, through 
long days. As nature directs, parents then had 
the charge over their children ; and as society 
then was ; knew how to rear them, by the rules 
of frugal care, simple modesty, cleanliness, strict 
honesty, confidential veracity.?— How different 
was the state of the working people at that time, 
to that which their present condition presents to 
view. They were then vigorous and lively, and 
bore the appearance ot health, and contented 
happiness in .their countenances. They now 
present an enfeebled appearance of pinching 
want; and depressed dejection is deep fixed in 
their countenances! And oh! the difference, 
the change, that has befel the parents, the chil- 
dren! And shall I contrast the state in which 
working parents and children, employed in the 
manufacture ot cotton then were, with that in 
which they are now placed? I can— 1 will— I 



112 

have seen^-I have lived through the time to ex* 
perience the difference — and in feeling sincerity 
lament the change. 

When weavers and others that worked cotton 
before the invention of extensive power ma- 
chinery, went through the various processes by 
hand labour, all the different departments of the 
work, were done in workshops attached to the 
dwellings of those families, employed at the busi- 
ness, But how different was the state of those 
families, at that time, to what it now is ; every 
family was then under the direction, the control , 
of the householder. Parents had then the ne- 
cessary charge, the necessary management of 
their children ; and a more proper government 
of families was then exercised, than now is* and 
they lived more easy. Although then labouring 
Under all, that would now be considered disad- 
vantageous, the people did not then work so 
many hours in the day, as they now do* but they 
were more economical, more social more happy, 
They then knew uot any extreme practices, to 
pinching want, to useless excess, they were 
strangers. Of good wholesome food they had 
enough to eat ; a sufficiency of clothing to be 
comfortable, decent* clean. To render life hap- 
pily easy, to promote agreeable sociability was 
then more within the power of the working peo- 
ple, than it now is, for they could then obtain 
a living by moderate labour. Control then held 



113 

not power over their time-— their time was 
all their own — simplicity of manners, honesty, 
sobriety, with plain friendly neighbourship, were 
then the ruling guides to the common orders of 
society. The directing guide to honest integrity, 
was then so prevalent among them, that they 
had no occasion to lock their doors ; and many 
were never fastened against persons without? 
To steal, and to rob industry of justly due rights 
are evils that were not then so commonly prac- 
ticed, as they now are, in that part of the coun- 
try in which I was reared. — The part of the 
country in which the manufacture of cotton 
gives the most general employ, to the working 
people. — When., by the exercise of thought, we 
are led to compare that time, in which the manu- 
facture of cotton was done without the aid of 
extensive machinery, to the present time, we are 
aptly drawn to wish, that a sufferance to en- 
force the operative powers thereof, to an over- 
bearing extent, had never been permitted. Em- 
ployed at the cotton manufacture, when the la- 
bour and handy work were done by human 
power ; and at the machines-making department 
of the cotton business, when in the rising pro- 
gress of increase, and improvement. — 1 beheld - 
to know the evil consequences that arose, when 
those ingenious inventions were successfully im- 
proved, and rapidly increased. 1 saw that the 
purposes to which those improvements were ap- 



114 

plied, instead of general good, produced a com- 
mon evfl ; that good order, harmony, and good 
neighbourship ; friendly sociability — all the com- 
forts arising from familiar intercourse, from the 
advantages of being employed at home ; all that, 
works effectually to support social harmony 
honest dealing, cordial happiness ; became de- 
stroyed. And all this was effected by a madden- 
ing spirit, that prevailed over all ranks concern- 
ed in the cotton business ; and a boundless de- 
gree of property was created, and brought into 
action, by a boundless degree of enterprise ! The 
novelty worked up anxious desire, and perse- 
vering industry, and the cotton goods sent into 
the market increased in quantity, far beyond 
what conjectural imagination could have sup- 
posed. And so it was, that the old proverbial 
expression of one extreme begetting another 
became fully verified ; for by the overwhelming 
stock of goods, continually sent into the market, 
the trade and wages became reduced; and 
work became scarce ; and the people employed 
in the factories, became as miserable slaves, as 
any human beings in the world ! 

1 saw in the rising progress of the business, 
the increasing evils ; and 1 felt fearful of the 
consequent result. — The overabundant increase 
of factories — the extensive slavery and distress, 
enforced by the boundless extreme, have sur- 
passed all that 1 then imagined. 1 then thought 



115 

It Would be a good act, on the part of govern* 
ment, to lay a duty on every spindle, moved by 
water or steam, to spin cotton, or any other sub- 
stance, of which yarn is made. But instead of 
placing such a check* in the way of a rapid in* 
crease, government bestowed every possible en- 
couragement, to extend the trade. Free of all 
restraints and encouraged by the measures of 
government, in opening foreign markets to the 
trade, the mighty lever of man's propensity, in an 
improved state of society* to gain riches, was 
applied with all the forcing powers, that inven- 
tion and active perseverence could apply* A 
Want of the necessary foresight, or duly to no* 
tice the rapid increase* might be preventive 
causes, or overbearing checks, to every wish, to 
every desire) to investigate the rapidly rising 
business* as touching general advantage* But 
every important subject* brought before a legis- 
lative body* ought, in our opinion, to be de s 
liberatively and fully considered by every mem- 
ber thereof; and every possible view on the 
ground of probability set forth by existing facts 
ought to be taken ; how far the. operative pow- 
ers of the object in question* appear likely to af- 
fect common good. And as found by probable 
appearance* likely to operate eventually; our 
opinion further leads us to think, that the object 
of the question, should be placed under the 
necessary power of a proper law ol restraint, 
Ha 



116 

Had the British government laid a duty, on 
spinning and other cotton machinery, operated 
by water or steam, a beneficial source to the 
revenue by such a law, would in all probability 
have been found to arise, and a more perma? 
nent security to common good, than is now ex? 
perienced in the business, would probably have 
been established, by its restraining power. 
When improvement is stretched to the extent 
of common good, common advantage comes in 
the consequent result ; but when that rule is, over- 
reached, in proportion to the overstretch, the 
advantages of common good, and of common 
right, becomed estroyed. An extreme overthrow 
of common good and of common right, in point 
of excess and rapidity, was seldom, if ever, 
forced upon any people, equal to that forced 
upon the working people of Britain, employed 
at the manufacture of cotton. If we were to 
ask what the common advantages, elicited by 
the improved and gigantic extention of the cot- 
ton business in Britain were, how would an 
impartial and justly honest reply be framed? 
Would not impartial truth declare, that a few 
individuals by overbearingly enslaving the many, 
have become possessed of needless bulks of 
property, and involved in deep perplexing cares? 
Is clear wisdom seen in the intemperate ac- 
tions of such men? Is justice found in drawing 



ill 

others to slavery, to feed an intemperate, an 
insatiable desire, to obtain riches? 

If to support the common welfare of commu- 
nities is the right duty of governments, to suffer 
the common interests of society to be infringed, 
is not less than a neglect to perform a due dis- 
charge of public duty : It is as manifestly clear, 
as the full solution of any problem by mathe- 
matical demonstration, that the British rulers in 
government affairs, have not fully attended to a 
right rule of duty, in suffering an unrestrained 
excess, in the monopoly of labour in the cotton 
business. And in other branches of manufac- 
ture, their legislative measures have turned the 
hinge of policy too much on one side ; yea in 
almost all they have done the last half century, 
pretendedly for common good, they have press- 
ed on the people a common evil. To protect 
and support the rights of the people, is expected 
as a duty on the part of a government, declared 
free. But before 1 left the country, I knew not 
of any measure on the part of the British govern- 
ment, to protect the working people employed 
in the cotton factories, against the slavery press* 
ed on them, by their employers.* I have 
worked in many factories, and I have seen much 
difference, in point of treatment to the hands 
employed in different establishments ; but those 1 

* I left England on the third day of March, one thousand 
eight hundred and six. 



118 

with the miles of which 1 was acquainted, that 
were placed under the best, were far from being 
as they ought to be, to bring the work people to 
a moderate degree, in the length of time to 
work. Oh ! how much better, how much more 
happy in their condition they were, before fac* 
tories were established! I have often reflected 
on the state of the poor children, how much 
harder it was become, than it was at the time 
they were employed at their homes ; how much 
more time they were held to it, without any the 
least relaxation ; and I have often felt deeply 
touched by their hard lot, in being forced to 
work in factories. Nor can I by honest truth 
declare any thing favourable to those large es* 
tablishments, that by overbearing rules deprive 
poor people employed in their works, of all 
liberty, during working time, And that in many 
factories was much too long ; for, little was the 
time allowed them, beside what was necessary 
for sleep; for such rules were in too many, 
strictly enforced. In the years one thousand 
eight hundred, bnd one, of our common era, I 
was employed in a factory* in which the com- 
mon time to work the steam-engine, to make a 
day, was about fourteen hours ; for the time to 
make a full day, was not always the same; but 

* Manchester cotton Mill. Then belonging- to John Simpson, 
&; Co. and commonly knqwn hy the napie of Arkicrighfs, pj? 
Barton's Factory, 



119 

never more than half an hour less, than what 1 
have stated it ; which never made the working 
time of the engine, less than thirteen and a half 
hours. The difference in the time to make a 
day., was made by a difference in the speed of 
the steam-engine, which was calculated to work 
at a given speed, and to make a given number 
of strokes in a day ; and a clock was fixed in the 
entrance office to tell the strokes. And the 
time that the engine worked, was never less 
than thirteen and a half hours, as before stated, 
and often more than fourteen hours, to make a 
day ; which, with about half an hour the en- 
gine stopped at dinner time, made from four 
teen to fourteen and a half hours, for the whole 
length of a day. And an additional time, to 
make seven days in the week, was pressed on 
.every person employed in the factory ; which 
lengthened the working time, including the 
thirty minutes, to about seventeen hours. And 
during the week, very few of the hundreds oi 
hands there employed, never passed the outer 
door of the building, from the time of com- 
mencing work in the morning, to the time of 
quitting work at night. And the manner in 
which they ate their victuals, was a demonstra- 
ble proof of their subjected state, which 1 con- 
sider it necessary here to notice. By a few tolls 
of the bell, notice was given of a meal time, and 
some person of £ach family, in which the hands 



120 

lived, carried their victuals to the entrance 
office, and the man that attended there, and one 
of the boys employed in the Mill, that was call* 
ed to assist him, carried them, each meat to the 
place, where the person for whom it was brought 
Worked ; and placed it on the window bottom; 
But in many departments of the work, when 
brought there, they could not take their victuals^ 
as meals are taken in the customary way f a way 
that improved order makes necessary* And 
why not have the time to spare, to take their 
victuals in a regular resting way ? Is it meet to 
real good, that hundreds are, by necessity, and 
the overbearing measures, enforced by a few ty- 
rant spirits, deprived of the right to spare the 
time ! Is these any the least necessary demand, 
to overbearingly bind the inhabitants, yea en 1 - 
slaved poor, ignorant parents and children, em> 
ployed in factories, to obey such tyrant rules ; so 
many hours everyday ! And would any but the 
interested say it was necessary ; for,' as before 
noticed, when their victuals were on the window 
bottom, they could not eat them as regular meals 
but when they had an opportunity (as if by 
stealth) a little at a time, for the work in facto- 
ries requires continual attention. The necessary 
attention to the needful performance of duty, on 
the part of the employed, I consider to be, by 
just right, a demand due to the employer. But 
to force an extreme in time, or work, or both, on 



121 

work people, as was very much too common in 
the factories in England, at that time, is a dis- 
tressing wrong. And such were the wrongs 
then imposed, on the multitude of slaves, subject- 
ed by arbitrary rules, to a few overbearing and 
overgrown manufacturing tyrants ; raised above 
themselves, by the profits on the labour of con- 
fined industry (should we say dishonestly) press- 
ed on the poor slaves, by them employed. Con- 
fined ! did I say? Yes ! I said confined, unrigh- 
teously confined ! ! Prisoners, confined on the 
the charge of breaking laws, are not kept more 
close in their cells, than the poor confined work 
people in factories, were then kept to their em- 
ploy ! Were kept closely attentive to their work 
much too long! Held poor by various wrongs 
imposed on them ! Held ignorant by various im- 
posing means ! Alas ! in factories and out, by 
many wrongs, the most honest part of mankind, 
the enslaved and oppressed poor, ever were, and 
are held in abject poverty ! If extremes are ne- 
cessary for the well being of society, 1 know not 
why they are ; and if only enforced by the views 
of an insatiable thirst, for needless gain, who 
can justly deem allowable? If the wants of 
mankind in an improved state, cannot be happy 
supplied to the extent of all really needful wants 
without an overcharged extreme, becoming im- 
posed on the working part of the community, to 
the extent of incessantly keeping them at work* 



in 

except while sleeping, few are those in a whole 
community, that can be benefitted by improve* 
ment. Behold how the lot of industry is cast, and 
held to be necessitated, to be almost constantly at 
the toi), and generally poor; by the work becoming 
turned to advantage the few, that toil not, And 
cannot the needful wants of mankind, when 
raised to an improved state, be fully supplied, 
without subjecting the major part thereof, to be 
necessitous slaves? Cannot, 1 say, all really 
needful wants be supplied at a less cost, than 
enslaving the multitude? If not, improvement 
is not intended to benefit the many! Behold, 
and cautiously consider the doings of governing 
powers ; of all that gain unrighteous authority, 
over others ; and compare them to the working 
slaves they rule, and the facts will be too clearly 
seen, to be by artful reasoning made to appear 
as right ; that Jittle js the benefit the many re* 
ceive, by improvement, For who, that is pos- 
sessed of the powers of mind to distinguish, and 
exercises them arjght, will admit that to be a 
truth, because declared so to be, is clearly proved 
to be false, by the passing waj^s, and general 
appearances set forth, in the difference of con- 
dition among mankind? We wish to hope the 
time will come, when such a difference will 
cease to be ! For by our thinking powers, we 
are led to hope, that all the necessary wants to 
make mankind cpmfortable, and work up gen- 



123 

era! propensity, to the now distressed, can be 
produced, without pressing any real wrong on 
others ; or holding the multitude, in the shackles 
of overbearing slavery, For those that are, by 
necessity, drawn to earn living subsistence, un* 
der men of grasping desire, who pass beyond 
the bounds of right to compass gain, we behold 
reduced to the lowest state of plebeian poverty ; 
and continually held to work, by necessary sub? 
jection. Can pressing means, to bear mankind 
down to such a state, be justly deemed right? 
Those, for self gain, do bear down others by any 
means, we hold as guilty of imposing wrongs ; 
and enemies to common good. Nor do yve 
hold it as a right, for any person to become 
rich, by the fruits of other people's industry. 
Our views, as touching honest rights, lead us to 
think, that every person should be secured by 
Jaw, to receive the full value for work done ; 
nor can we deem it right, that any person should 
be bound to work more than eight hours, to 
make a full day, at any employ, From three to 
six hours would be enough, if the bearing pro- 
portions of society were hejd aright ; but to 
draw people on to work more than eight hours, 
to make a day, is to draw them into slavery ; 
and I have known the time, when work people, 
that obtained supporting means by spinning and 
weaving cotton ; did not work more. How dif? 
ferent then was their conditio^, to what jt now 



124 

is. They were not then, by necessity, subjected 
to quit their dwellings, at the early calls of bells, 
to go to work in factories ; and there remain in 
close confinement, and at continual industry* 
through long days. 

No tyrant rules o'er working time then knowri, 

The time for working duty was their own: 

And all work was performed, was needful found ; 

And free content most fully did abound ; 

For in the dwellings of the working class, 

Tyrannic rule could not obtain a place, 

Happiness was secured, in passing ways^ 

But in huge factories* o'erbearing knaves, 

Have pressed work people down, subjected slaves, 

But by oppression bears too hard, a turn* 

Comes in distress, all tyrant rule to spun. 

Before the erection of large factories, people 
employed at the cotton business, had time for 
any purpose of need or inclination ; free from the 
charge of breach of duty ; for they then were the 
free directors of themselves in time; And were 
not then subjected, by the forcing rules of lordly 
tyrants, to close confinement, and an over- 
strecthed time to work* And well I yet remem- 
ber how the time passed when I was a boy, and 
worked at home* first at winding bobbins, and 
afterwards at weaving, till I went to work at the 
business of making cotton machinery* Not re- 
strained by too close labour and confinement, 
every season had its recreative sports* for chil- 
dren and grown people. All then had time to 
spare for inoffensive pleasure, for active plays, 



125 

that is to say, foot-ball, prison bars, race-run- 
ning, jumping, hurl, trap, catch-ball, knock-up, 
or fives, with many other plays, at which chil- 
dren and grown people, had then the time to ex- 
ercise. And 1 well remember, when such happy 
times were known among the working people, 
who earned support at the cotton manufacture. 
And I also well remember, how different they 
were become, before 1 left the country — sub- 
jected, as 1 have before stated, to work many 
more hours in a day, and in close confinement. 
Is that a betterance of their lot or condition ? 
Mechanical improvements are generally admit- 
ted to produce a common benefit. — We admit 
that benefit is produced by improvements — but 
we deny its being more than partial. If improve- 
ments were impartially applied, to promote and 
secure to the whole community of the country 
were made, a common benefit, then they would 
in experience, be known to be a common good 
But who that fairly considers the forced confine- 
ment, and the absolute rules of those have 
grasped improvements, in the manufacture of 
cotton, into their possession ; and thereby drawn 
the people, who procure support by working at 
the business, into overstretched working time ; 
can truly say much real good has been produced 
to the confined work people, by the improve- 
ments. And have any improvements produced 
more than partial benefit in England, or any 



126 

Other country? By improvement, the grasp o( 
monopoly became predominent over labour ; to 
an unrighteous extreme, in the exercise ol ab- 
solute authority! And is it right, on the part 
of governments, to allow or suffer a few, by an 
extensive use of mechanical improvements, to 
draw the many into subjected slavery? To 
compel them by arbitrary rules* to remain in 
close confinement during an overstretched time, 
and continually attentive at their work? And 
are work people benefited by improvements, 
when by the increase thereof compelled to work 
an overstretched length of time, under absolute 
authority? And what can we say, more than 
we have done, of the state into which mai> 
kind are drawn, in the manufacturing parts of 
England ; by the establishment of large factories? 
And what powers can picture, impressly full, the 
slavish state, into which the working people 
have, thereby been cast ? By the display of ac^ 
tions, sounds, or written words, the condition of 
the miserable thousands may be set forth, with 
impressive force ; but far short of reality will 
come all that so can be done ! Extreme igno^ 
ranee, may be more content under tyrant autho- 
rity, than the more improved mind; but igno- 
rance is more needful of protecting security, 
against imposing wrongs, than a more perfect at- 
tainment The many overbearing rules, alike 
imposed on the ignorant, and more knowing 



127 

work people ; that are by necessity forced td 
work in factories ; could not, under good rules 
of government* rightly enforced, be made admis- 
sible, nor allowable* But extremes, pressed to 
an overbearing pitch, will eventually find a turn- 
ing point* 

When employed to repair machinery, my busi- 
ness drew me to every room in the factory, and 
many years 1 was so employed in different fac- 
tories. And by the calls of duty, I was often led 
every day into different rooms ; and so* 1 daily 
had repeated opportunity to see, how the work 
was conducted in every department ; and how 
the children were held to it. And in the manage-* 
ment, conduct and employ, 1 saw much too 
much of imprudent overbearing authority, close 
confinement, heavy thumping* and pulling the 
hair and ears of children, not their own* by the 
hands of persons that enforced, unfeelingly— se=- 
vere impropriety. And I heard much too much 
of loud, harsh, improper language ; uttered in 
unguarded, disorderly strains* to the children 
employed in factories ! Yea, 1 heard and saw 
much, that by a due regard to humane and moral 
rules, would not be admissible.-^And I then 
thought — better would the working people be, in 
parts of the country where machinery is now be- 
come so extensively used ; if it had not been in- 
vented, to become applied as it is. For before 
it, was brought into use, working people, that 



after its extensive erection were induced, or ne» 
cessarily drawn to work upon, or attend it, were 
more happy ; for they enjoyed more freedom— 
they held self-command over their time. — And 
the rightful enjoyment of freedom, will, in the 
most abject state of poverty, secure content more 
fully, to a clear mind, than subjected slavery. 

Often by reflection have I been pressed to 
think, that the capability in mankind to improve, 
and extend improvement beyond all moderate 
bounds, to procure a reasonable supply of all 
that is needful, to secure comfort, in the attain- 
ment of substantial convenient dwellings, and all 
things necessary for the well being of families ; 
when pressed into a boundless extreme, as now 
known to be by woeful experience; is worse 
than abiding in the' simple and artless state of 
nature. And often, on beholding the passing 
state of life, into which many of the industrious 
part of the community were, by necessity cast in 
factories ; I have by reflection been led to wish, 
that some restraining power would check, yea 
stop, those evils; that had worked to enforce 
absolute tyrannical rules, in prison industry, and 
overbearing authority, in undue punishment. 
And how comes all this. The dire effects are 
worked up by a persevering desire to gain. To 
gain what ? No less than trouble ! Nor more 
than an increase thereof, in an increase of 
property, and a more insatiable thirst lor that 



129 

increase! Anxious care is the soul of misery — 
confine the wild cravings within the bounds of 
their own body, and trivial will be the wrong 
done. But in allowing them a boundless range, 
much wrong may come thereby, on many not 
able to escape, the pinching, enslaving, punish- 
ing, distressing — -gripe ! And would not every 
human being, possessed of the least touch of 
kindly feeling towards mankind, or of the least 
spark of honest desire to promote common good, 
wish to liberate, and keep all the species from 
the cutting gnaw, the pinching gripe ; that by 
overbearing measures, became pressed on people 
employed in factories ? All in the progressive 
ways of mankind, that has a tendency to produce 
general good, is justifiably admissible, as a com- 
mon right. Wrongs, in human ways and trans- 
actions would never become known, if all held 
the rule of doing as they wish others to do to them, 
their directing guide. Numerous, alas, are the 
passive wrongs, artfully pressed into human 
transactions. Unnecessary extremes, enforced 
to the extent that they have been, in the large 
manufactories in Great Britain, are, by their 
general effects, known to be unsufTerable evils . 
and the national rulers are in duty bound, to 
remedy such evils by necessary laws. 

The pauperism of England, is held out by 
many writers as a weighty evil, and so it is. But- 
it is an evil originated in partial rights, enforced 
1 



130 

by overbearing measures, and held secure by op- 
pressive laws. Partial rights, in over abundant 
hereditary grants of lands, securely held, as by 
deeds fixed, in one continued line, by every 
family so privileged, to enable the possessors to 
exercise imposing powers, and lordly rule, over 
those around them, are sorry wrongs. And why 1 
The why is clear — weighty wrongs will never 
become established, where equal rights are held 
secure But partial privileges, secured to pos- 
sessors, to live by the industry of others, with va- 
rious other burthens, in heavy taxes, &c. — 
pressed on those that have not any other means 
to gain lawful support, but hard industry ; are 
violations over equal rights. And when by any 
cause, the means by which a bare subsistence is 
obtained, becomes reduced too low to supply 
needful wants, the distressed are made paupers, 
or ^beggars, and too generally despised. For 
when by sickness, or any other cause, working 
people become distressed, and it becomes neces- 
sary to relieve their needful wants, they are dis 
dainfully termed paupers, by those useless mem- 
bers of society, who profit by their industry 
when able to work. In the causes and effects; 
the real evils of the pauperism of England are 
seen, in much too general facts, to truly display 
common good. In the miserable condition of 
the most numerous part, of the worthy indus- 
trious poor, by oppressive measures so made 5 



131 

stnd the general comfortable and easy condition* 
smd worthlessness, in which the idle rich pass 
their time, are seen the causes and effects, 
worked up by wrong measures, in the progress 
of improved society. And in the extremes ot 
worthless excess^, overbearing authority, and 
enslaved poverty, few are the countries that are 
equal to England! And why such extremes? — 
Is it right or needfully meet for common good, 
that the many are, by the necessity into which 
they are pressed by imposing measures, made 
needful slaves and paupers? And how are the 
numerous evils imposed on the many by the 
lew, to be removed? Strictly bind every capa- 
ble individual within every parish, to procure 
the means for self support by self industry, con- 
taining the necessary value in the labour, and 
few will be the paupers in any parish. By over- 
bearing oppression many are made paupers.— 
Artful encroachments on the rights of useful in- 
dustry, directed in many various ways to that 
point, for a certain supply of craving wants, 
have in England, by those various ways, prac- 
ticed various impositions, all of which have been 
-variously pressed on subjected labour, till by- 
pressing necessity, forced to w r ork an extreme 
length of time, at the best to obtain scanty sup- 
| port. And this has been done, (1 say) by art- 
i ful encroachments, that honest truth would 
scarcely be found willing to declare, less a 
12 



132 

wrong than robbery ; at a time, when boasting 
national prosperity has been sounded, to the ut- 
most known parts of the earth! When partial 
excess becomes a real proof of general pros- 
perity, a doubt of the truth thereof cannot be 
entertained, but that cannot be, facts will re- 
move doubt. That a difference in the condition 
of mankind, placed under the rules of social 
improvement will arise, is reasonably admissi- 
ble ; but that such a difference should be pro- 
duced by the enforcement of partial rights, is not 
found, (by the pure rules of honest right, when 
justly tested,) to be an admissible right. The par- 
tial rights, variously enforced in England, have 
ever been pressing causes to partial extremes; 
by which the few are made possessed of over- 
bearing wealth and the many are held down to 
slavery — distress — pauperism. So held down 
by oppressive measures, those of them, who by 
old age or any other cause, are necessarily 
forced to apply to the parish for support, are 
disdainfully despised as public burthens. Yes, 
those who in the proceeds of useful industry, 
have produced more that contained real worth, 
above what they received, than would support 
them during life ; when by necessity forced to 
apply for parish relief, are despised as worthless 
beings, although for the benefit of others, bore 
down by hardship. Was a full value paid for 
useful industry (and is any other industry ne- 



133 

cessary for the well being of mankind?) and 
nothing allowed to contain any value by nomi- 
nal, established, or fixed rules ; but what was 
produced by industry ; very few, if any, of the 
useful industrious, would become needful parish 
paupers. Worthless extravagant excess ; when 
supported by impositions pressed on others ; by 
artful encroachments over their rights, is an un- 
necessary extreme, unjustly maintained, and by 
proper laws duly enforced, ought to be held 
within the bounds of just rights. And by proper 
laws duly enforced, property variously created 
by artful policy, would, be held unknown. And 
so the proceeds of useful industry would be held 
the secure right of the producers. And if the 
proceeds of industry were so held, all steady 
working people, when become incapable to 
work by old age, or any other cause would 
possess a competency to secure support, without 
becoming needy paupers. — In spite of all that is 
said to the contrary, the real and pure posses- 
sions in any state of life, are those produced by 
industry for the support, convenience, and com- 
fort of mankind. And I would also further say, 
that a regular and general improvement, made 
to the full extent of holding every capable 
family and person, to the performance of that 
duty, to which all are alike held by the laws of 
nature, and by the just bonds of society, to pro- 
cure by industry all that is wanted to maintain 



134 

needful supplies, would secure to all within the 
bounds of social compacts, just rights. — It is 
not in my power to determine by any principle 
of pure right, why the useful industrious part of 
mankind are generally held poor, and the worth- 
less, yea w T orse than useless, are made rich. — 
Why the most worthy, the most upright, are al- 
ways on the verge of pauperism. For by all we 
know of past time, the proof is given, that it 
ever was so, and by the general evidence set 
forth in present times the proof is made clear, 
that it is so. If all endeavoured usefully for 
self support, all would have spare time for 
mental improvement ; and a more general dif- 
fusion of useful knowledge, would certainly 
promote and secure more fully the general wel- 
fare of mankind, in a more agreeable and more 
happy prosperity, than any system of improve- 
ment ever yet established by any government, 
ever secured, to any improved community. In 
roads ever just rights, have in England, reduced 
those held by necessity to close industry, to the 
state of needy slavery and parish pauperism. 
The measures of a government, so fully im- 
posing hardship on the industrious part of a peo- 
ple, are passed far astray, beyond the bounds of 
just rights. For in spite of all that may be said 
to the contrary, it is by useful industry, that all 
things really valuable are produced, and all the 
needless wants ot the worthless rich are supplied* 



135 

And to make those supplies more fully meet to 
their desires, which to satisfy is not possible, the 
worthless non-producers, by the enforcement of 
overbearing measures of policy, enslave and dis- 
tress, the worthy producers of all that is really 
useful — really good. By close observation and 
enquiry, the honest rights of mankind are found 
to be withheld from industry in England, and 
pressing wrongs imposed thereon, to the extent 
of making those that work real working slaves, 
to produce all supplies for the imaginary and 
real wants of the worthless extravagant idle — 
and those not able to work. In short, however, 
indirectly laid, the whole burthen of the poor 
laws of England, is finally settled on industry. 
On the farmers, mechanics, labourers, on all that 
produce something beneficially useful to society, 
the whole burthen is saddled. Are the pro- 
ducers by industry of all that is needful for the 
comfort and convenience of an improved com- 
munity, the most worthy part thereof? And 
who will hesitate in answering yes? If those 
that live independent of labour, by partaking 
profitably in various ways of the labour of 
others, were to labour usefully fdr their own 
support (and we cannot perceive in any view 
of just right why they should not) less would be 
the heavy burthen of the overloaded. Various 
stretches over rights, have produced extreme 
wrongs. Land interest; professional interest; 



136 

in law, physic, and divinity ; trading interest- 
all the various interests wrested from useful in- 
dustry, too often strip it too close, and press it 
by a pinching extreme, to enslaved wretched- 
ness. To remove all actual wrongs, must be a 
desirable wish with all persons, well intentioned 
towards the general well being of mankind. 
Rightly to accomplish a purpose so wishful, we 
have a project in view ; which, if generally es- 
tablished and practically pursued, we see not 
any real doubt of ultimate good, becoming a 
sure result. Our project is: That all children 
should receive a plain and clear education,* kept 
purely secure from any mixture with aught, 
bearing; the least shade of taint, by a touch of 
artifice. Suitably adapted to teach them to 
know, what is necessary as a bounden duty to 
self, in procuring the enjoyment of clean com- 
fort, and peaceful happiness. Free from all that 
would make the paths of life, fearful and dreary; 
and full in all that is needful to be done as a 
daily duty, for the procurement of honest sup- 
port, and what can be fairly required to make 
them good members of society. That would 
prepare their minds, by convincing capability in 
the reasoning powers, and the free exercise 
thereof; to guard each individual self, against 
all attempts to draw them aside, from opinions 
harmlessly held to maintain secure, all rights 
rested on common good; and made clear by 



137 

good sense. To become sufficiently clear m 
knowledge, not to admit as true, abstruse per- 
plexing notions ; set up to make the multitude 
slaves, to false delusive mystery ; and thereby 
held meetly down, to perform the work of ser- 
vile labour ; artfully made a necessary duty, by 
the craft of pious knaves, and political tyrants. 
And if every person was taught to know the 
true difference, between right and wrong, by a 
truly right education ; the general powers of the 
human mind, would thereby, become more ac- 
tive ; and would by a free exercise, operate to 
establish good sense ; and so good society would 
become more general, and more securely main- 
tained than it ever yet was. For by a general 
and purely useful system of education, worth- 
lessness would lose its ascendant power; and 
if not all, a much greater proportion of the peo- 
ple than now do, would by necessity, be forced 
to labour usefully, to gain self support. In short, 
by an amendment so made in the rules of so- 
ciety, education would become more near what 
it ought to be, that is, more general ; and by be- 
coming more general ; would certainly promote 
more fully; the general welfare of mankind. 
And to learn all that is needful, to qnalify, all 
to know, how to perform a right duty, in all 
things : to self and to others ; is a necessary 
part of instruction, of too valuable importance 
to all persons, in an improved community, to 



138 

be withheld from one individual. But we per- 
ceive, and so we doubt not ; does every discern- 
ing individual, that, by false imposing craft, va- 
riously worked on the minds of children, erro- 
neous impressions are settled on the seats of 
knowledge, that grow and strengthen, till, by 
delusion fixed, in the shackles of ignorance. It 
is by keeping them in a state of ignorance, and 
pressing them into a meetly fitted belief, that 
enslaved multitudes are made the servile tools, 
the fearing worshippers of the few. Jf all chil- 
dren were educated to know a meet duty, to 
promote common good, and also to know 
what practices work, in opposition to common 
good — if they were instructed to know how to 
live happy, all mankind would be fitly prepared, 
to make an undesigning and upright conduct the 
standing rule, the leading guide through life. 
And when rightly prepared, and instructed to 
live as prepared, envy, hatred, and malice, 
would seldom be known to prevail over the hu- 
man mind, to force evil workings into action ; 
and to defraud, cheat, steal — to take any dis- 
honest advantage of others, very few would be 
those that would dare to attempt, A right pre- 
paration would produce a right rule of practice, 
and in a community generally directed in their 
actions by upright rules, the fear of establishing 
a dishonest character, would be a more 'forcible 
check to dishonest desire, than any law passed 



139 

to punish dishonest practices. It is in favour of 
a plain, a useful, a pure education; that we 
plead — an education that will ha^e a tendency 
to promote usefulness, and common good to so- 
ciety ; by pressing mankind to think freely, and 
act rightly in all things ; and to watch and keep 
secure all common rights, against the inroads, 
attempted by political faction. And we further, 
plead in favour of equitable laws, to bind every 
member of society, able of body and mind, to 
perform enough of useful labour, to procure self 
support. Common sense, directed by a view of 
just right, has led us to conclude, that no person 
can, by honest right, subject others to a need- 
less extreme, to a slavish degree of labour, to 
satisfy — what? — no useful purpose, and when 
pressed on by continued insatiable desire is a 
most base evil. Such an extreme has passed all 
moderate bounds in England ; the complicated, 
the numerous train of ills that have been en-* 
forced, by overstretched overbearing measures 
of policy, are past the reach of common, yea, of 
moderately extended knowledge to comprehend; 
and could not be made admissible, as measures, 
intended to promote common good. Would not 
good policy direct a government to enforce such 
an adequate proportion in the price of pro- 
visions and the price of labour, as would enable 
the labouring people to gain support by moderate 
industry? And would the overstraining, over-- 



140 

stretching overruling monopolizers, of power, of 
landed property, of labour, of all that enforces 
extremes, becomes distressed sufferers, by unani- 
mously removing those causes, that have linked 
industry in one continued chain of slavery and 
distress? Honest sincerity in rulers, to promote 
the common good of society, would, without 
enforcing a partial injury, on the enforcers of 
imposed wrongs, work up the desirable, the ne- 
cessary remedy to existing evils, in the British 
nation. The people are as ingenious artists, as 
any in the known parts of the world, and are 
full as industrious as any other people of whom 
we have any knowledge, and by their labour 
produce plenty, yea more than enough, to fur- 
nish, to provide for them good living. The 
fault, we would say, comes in base, corrupt, 
rotten, unfeeling, wickedly extravagant rule. 
And what class of mankind so deserving to live 
well, as the labouring producers of those ar- 
ticles, that provide good living? Are any more 
useful, or do any deserve better pay for their use- 
fulness? We presume not to deny to others 
their usefulness, nor will we say that they do 
not deserve a living pay for their useful duty — 
but-— we know not any duty that justly entitles 
any man to soar above himself — to overstep the 
bounds of duty, in usurping an exclusive privi- 
leged right to common property ; and in making 
others privileged partakers in the usurped right 



141 

to such property, makes the privileged an ex- 
alted order, in the ranks of society. Such an 
order, we do not consider to be compatible with 
the common rights of mankind. From filling up 
the measures of public policy, all persons ought 
to be excluded, that would help to fill the ves- 
sel of state, with partial fruits, It is by a due 
watchfulness on the part of a people (free of all 
party strife,) over their rights, and a determina- 
tion to protect those rights, that the government 
of a free nation may be kept pure. To be fitly 
prepared to protect their rights, children should 
be instructed to know what they consist in. 
And by a proper and general education, all 
would obtain a knowledge of these rights, that 
equitable laws demand, and to estimate their 
value. So educated; and reared in habits of 
honesty, temperance — all that is necessary to 
draw the mass of society into an orderly, up- 
right, friendly, and familiar way of living, man- 
kind would, in any country, be led into a more 
happy state, than they can enjoy, under the 
power of absolute rulers. 

Many attempts have been made by well in- 
tentioned individuals, and by societies ; to better 
the condition of the poor industrious people, in 
the united kingdom. — But of what avail are in- 
dividual attempts, or the attempts of a few, 
when overcome by government policy, and the 
various artful means, practiced in the spirit of 



142 

self interest? When; as many too many at* 
tempts to effect a common good; are turned 
aside from the intended purpose of effecting 
such needful end, to the wanty multitude. The 
want of education, and erroneous and useless 
systems of education have in our opinion, been 
common evils in every degree of improved so- 
ciety, in all countries, where mankind have bet- 
tered their condition by improvement And of 
the many. evils that have beset mankind, we set- 
tle it as our opinion, that false education, cover- 
ed under the shelter of privileged professions, 
has not been of the least force to work up com- 
mon injury. To become privileged, and by that 
privilege become elevated, dignified, rich ; is an 
evil that enforces wrong, that establishes power, 
that worksup oppression. In law, in physic, in 
divinity, such evils are concentrated, are esta- 
blished. In the united kingdom, in divinity, to 
a sorry extent. And common education, has 
ever generally been established, under rules laid 
down on a false, on a base foundation ; and so 
based, the multitude of ^opinions rested on error, 
have generally through, remained where laid. 
Custom has a powerful influence over the human 
mind ; yea, so forcible is the power of custom in 
directing mankind to receive, to practice general 
habits ; that without the strengthening support 
of education, it commonly establishes irremova- 
ble modes, in the practical ways of life ; irre- 



143 

movable opinions; and irremovable prejudices \ 
are commonly established by education. The 
most numerous part of mankind, implicitly rest 
their opinions on the opinions of others ; and 
by receiving those of others without examina- 
tion, remain ignorant, as touching opinions es- 
tablished by self kuowleclge. On viewing in 
thought, the opposite positions of the human 
mind, taken in improvement by education, 
and, remaining ignorance ; we are led to con- 
clude, that by alike keeping at rest* the self 
power to obtain that knowledge which alone 
is sound, the school ignoramuses, and the un- 
taught ignorant, are nearly alike in point of 
sound knowledge. A general system of educa- 
tion, as clear of alloy as possible to be rendered 
in practice^ would certainly work more effectu- 
ally to promote general good, and united happi^ 
ness in the links of society, than any system that 
we know of, has ever yet brought into practice* 
Our thinking powers^ finally, lead us to conclude^ 
that by a general education established upon 
pure principles, mankind would be brought to a 
more upright rule, in all intercourse, dealings, 
transactions— in all the modes of life — much of 
all that has a tendency to affect the body, to 
press upon the mind uneasy feelings ; would, by 
a pure and clear mode of education, be removed. 
By a mode of education, that would truly teach 
mankind to know themselves, what is for their 



144 

good and necessarily useful and convenient, to 
secure self happiness, and the happiness of soci- 
ety. This is the summit of education ; as touch- 
ing real useful uess, real good, real advantage, to 
mankind. All education beyond this, is not use- 
ful, is not necessary ; but taken all in all, is abun- 
dantly evil in the consequences. By a purely 
useful education, mankind would learn to be as 
honestly upright, and in honesty to be perfect, 
in a state of improvement, as m an unimproved 
state, and that would be of the most essential im- 
port, towards effecting the promotion of general 
happiness and general good. 

When the gentleman that established the first 
Sunday school, commenced his benevolent insti- 
tution ; the mode he adopted and pursued, evi- 
dently proved that his intention was, as far as 
possible, to remove the mist of ignorance from 
the poor children, in his native town. And when 
other Sunday schools were established, the same 
modes of instruction were for some time pursued ; 
which, although not, in our opinion, right modes 
of education, the rules were then better than 
they now are. Instead of being instructed in a 
manner to prepare them, fitly meet to fulfil the 
needful duty, to supply all needful wants ; and 
truly to know what that duty, and their duty to 
others is, poor children that then did, and now 
do, receive instruction in Sunday and other 
schools, have been, and are now taught, to admit 



145 

ss a duty they owe to beings of their species 
ranked above them, to be submissive, obedient 
servants to those exalted personages. And that 
a being unseen by them is watching their ways, 
and if they neglect to do as they are taught to 
do, the unseen being will doom them by a dread- 
fu.l sentence to be eternally punished, in a place 
purposely prepared. But, if they do as instruct- 
ed, the unseen being will be all merciful. And 
are not these sorry impressions to be made on 
tender minds, and there fixed as instruction? 
And are not such modes of education more 
meetly calculated to make the many obedient 
slaves to the few 9 than to promote common 
good? And can delusive instruction imposed on 
ignorance, benefit the receiver? And is not de- 
ceiving instruction a false delusion? And can 
falsehood establish honest integrity? If delusive 
instruction is, by those who possess ruling 
authority, and those employed as learned instruo 
tors,thought necessary, for the security and interest 
of governing power, instruction so given, and 
government so held, are not to the governed worth 
receiving and having. And such the one, and the 
other, have ever been ; for few have been the 
governments that have benefitted the governed ; 
and trivial has ever been the chance to obtain a 
sufficient knowledge ; to know their rights. And 
Sunday-school education is so given, as to raise 
the thinking powers in opposition to those rights. 



146 

We have in Sunday-school publications seen 
many woeful relations, of children that have, by 
fearful impressions worked on their tender feel- 
ings, by terrifying admonitions become distressed 
in their minds ; yea overcome in their rational 
capacity. And have also thereby, become af- 
flicted in body with overbearings, that have 
brought on diseases, that have cut off their ex- 
istence in the rising state; and many adults 
have also been cut off by the sorry evils. Can 
the rational mind avoid feeling wishful, that in- 
comprehensible dogmas may cease to be known 
in instruction, in opinions ; that rational instruc- 
tion may become a general rule. And is it neces- 
sary, or good, to distress the rising or matured 
mind, by terrific instruction and opinions, and 
thereby impair the health, past recovery? — Sun- 
day-schools are now directed, under selfish and 
sectarian rules ; and the children are instructed 
in religious belief, according to the established 
creeds, or doctrinal opinions held out by the 
respective churches, to which the schools are 
linked, in which they are taught. And in these 
modes of education, now generally practised in 
Sunday-schools, we perceive sorry delusions; 
conducted as if purposely to ' prepare the poor 
children, to be contented slaves, — to believe 
they were fitly made inferior in nature, to be 
inferior in condition, to those above them. Our 
views lead us to think, that such an education is 



147 

more injurious in point of common good, than 
native ignorance. Honest integrity, abounds 
more fully free from alloy, in unthinking ig- 
norance, than in the unthinking error taught 
scholar. That erroneous and futile labours 
under the name of instruction, bear more of 
evil than of good in the effects, every observing 
thinking person will clearly perceive. And 
why? By the reason that manifold evils come 
in the train of erroneous education, when fixedly 
established as a 1 rule. And we would further 
add ; that in the high schools, instruction to im- 
pose the receiver on society, in the capacity of 
privileged, professional right, every observing 
person, by self discernment, knows to be a truth. 
And also that the thoughtless mass, know not, 
because ignorance and error hold them know- 
ledge bound; but to admit, that privileged men, 
ranked to high education, are beings of a su- 
perior race, and that they need their assistance, 
in three needless professions. Did the people 
know what is, and what is not, to them a real 
benefit ; we think they would know how to live 
without the assistance, of any of the three pro- 
fessions ; that by their privileges, and needless 
customs, generally secure affluent support. B ut 
by customary means, unnecessary evils are 
established. And if allowed to be necessary, 
when stretched to an overbearing extent, can 
privileged orders be a common good? Of what 
2K 



148 

advantage is that to mankind, that is stretched 
beyond the reach of their comprehension? And 
can overbearing useless evils work up a good 
end? All you who read these interrogations, 
think freely and impartially, on what they may 
seem to imply; and then form your answers, 
opinions. — Founded on close observation, and 
many years deep reflection ; with real ex- 
perience, in the close and lengthy work of six 
days in the week ; and near relationship to the 
most object poverty; with all that we have 
seen, have noticed, we are not wanting in the 
means of establishment to facts, on the hard 
condition of the common people in England. 
Enslaved! Oppressed! Distressed? What more? 
We wish — how can we — heart rending feel- 
ing—oh! — too much. — What? — past the touch 
of language — all can be said is little — to .behold 
the beings — the objects who can picture? — too 
deep the work of woe for human art to touch, 
by the pencil's stroke ! ! But the forcing works 
of art, wrought by mankind in Britain, laid deep 
the strokes in nature's noble forms ! It is there 
the work is seen perfected, in the multiplied 
misery of the industrious poor people. — Thou 
sovereign titled majesty ; ye ennobled pompous 
lords; ye undutiful commoners; ye benefitted 
clergy ; ye non-meaning lawyers ; ye non-saving 
doctors of physic, with all the train of medical 
venders ; ye chartered companies, ye overbear* 



149 

ing traders one and all ; ye extensive manufac* 
turers : all you that press on with anxious strife, 
to obtain a boundless, worthless gain ; regard- 
less of all common good* pass far beyond all 
useful need, to the extent of a lamentable pub- 
lic injury. By strong desire to worldly affairs, 
you sufferably permit anxiety to destroy your 
peace of mind. You overlive the life of hap- 
piness, and feel misery in overabundant plenty ; 
and to gain that plenty, you keep the millions 
close bound by necessity to a state of abject 
slavery; and by their slavish toil, many too 
many of them* gain no more than a scanty sub- 
sistence. And held in dark ignorance, or in- 
structed to believe in a conscious faith, and in 
artful works, based on mysterious imagination, 
many of the poor wretched parents and children, 
are reduced to the most abject state of misery 
in mind. And on beholding with careful ob- 
servance, and cautious discrimination, we may 
perceive, that by the establishment of created 
property, rents and taxes were founded, and that 
all the various impositions in learning, and in 
artful skill, that have strained improvement to 
an over needful supply, have worked forcibly 
against the common good of mankind. In short, 
that a combination of overstrained wrongs, of 
overbearing evils, all aiming to work to the point 
of self interest, in the spirit of disregard to com- 
mon good ; have worked the point to a sorry 



150 

centre. But who can particularly discriminate, 
distinctly point out the many evils, that are at 
this day working sore consequences, on the poor 
industrious people in the united kingdom? Do 
such a people deserve such treatment? Can a 
government of lordly rulers be acting right, in 
wasting the industry of a most ingenious, active, 
and working community, in useless and extreme 
extravagance? Will such measures never find 
a stopping point? Will the over extravagant 
never cease to spend the fruits of starving in- 
dustry? Will the lofty mounted summit never 
turn to a descending path? And will an evil 
power ever continue to destroy the good fruits, 
produced by the labour of those they study to 
strip? So long as the bulk of mankind are kept 
in ignorance, or, in the little instruction they re- 
ceive, improperly taught, the evils that abound 
in society will continue to prevail, against the 
interest and just rights of the most valuable, and 
most useful members of the community; the 
suffering industrious/ And is it right, on pur- 
pose to promote the advantage, the overabun- 
dant interest of the few, to bear down the many 
to distress? To repeatedly say it is not, we dare 
not hesitate — and, can any well intentioned per- 
son? As an assisting means towards removing 
all base evils, we think it is a necessary duty 
that every well intentioned person owes to so- 
ciety, to expose existing w 7 rongs, and to recora- 



15i 

mend a remedy. By line upon line to mark the 
sorry ills, and point out the path to a reform of 
continued abuses. — Ours is the promised duty 
to mark the ills, the continued abuses that 
abound in society ; with all the force that honest 
truth can fathom to portray, and sound reflec- 
tion work to raise. The numerous evils, to which 
our observations have been repeatedly stretched ; 
and which we have thoughtfully beheld, have 
aptly pressed on our mind with * crowding force, 
perplexing work ; meetly fitted to drive due or- 
der out of place. And the various thoughts on 
many evils, by so working on our mind, have 
hitherto given the clue many deranged turns, 
that we perceive to be perplexingly mingled. 
We have repeatedly wished to remedy, to avoid 
perplexity; but stronger was our wish, not to 
neglect recording those proceedings, that by the 
voice of truth most firm might stand, to proclaim 
the wrongs imposed on improved society, by un- 
dutiful rulers, and other dishonest men. This 
shall be our aim in the future part of these re- 
flections; and we will hereafter endeavour to 
arrange our work, more closely in accordance 
with systematical rules, but not destroy strong 
impressions wrought in truth. And, as govern- 
ment is the first order of rank and power in 
society, we will begin with notes on the evils 
that generally emanate from that order, with 
remarks on the various measures of the British 



152 

government, that we consider to have been the 
leading causes to enforce the too general dis- 
tress of the industrious poor people. Of those 
springs, that supply the overabundant streams 
of riches; that unceasingly flow within the right 
of those persons ; that boundlessly usurp the 
common rights of their fellow beings by en- 
slaving and distressing them. And for what? 
For no good purpose, but barely to indulge a 
weak ambition, to support by all possible means 
a craving dissatisfaction, a needless desire. A 
desire that seldom produces effectual good, but 
is prolific in the enforcement of sorry evils, 
pressed on the sources whence flow the streams, 
to supply their wants. 

When the human power to think becomes 
active, in proportion to active thinking, know- 
ledge becomes a seated resident in the mind. 
And those persons that think generally, become 
superior in knowledge, to those that tliink par- 
tially. To behold mankind truly ; and with 
honest desire to think freely, and purely, on all 
things appertaining to the general condition and 
well being of our species, is to see and think in 
a w y ay to gain sound knowledge, on what is of 
the highest importance ; because the most cer- 
tain path to happiness, when practically pur- 
sued* And to do all that we possibly can, for 
the good of human society, is to do as w T e ought ; 
and to learn how to do that aright, is of the first 



153 

importance to every individual member of a com- 
munity. And it is impossible to become pos* 
sessed of a right knowledge of ourselves, and the 
common good of mankind, short of exercising- 
our individual capability to improve* And the 
minds of those persons who keep those powers 
at rest* remain in the blank state of simple ig- 
norance. Closely to compare facts as they ap- 
pear to us. and to think freely on the compari- 
sons we draw* is so far as we know by ex- 
perience* the most sure mode to obtain needful 
knowledge* And to promote the general good 
of mankind, it is most essentially necessary that 
the mind of every human being should be im- 
proved, by rules that would convey a knowledge 
of all that is needful, to establish the mutual 
good of improved society. And all that is done, 
to establish and secure the desirable promotion 
of improved society, to the blissful state of unani- 
mous happiness* must be done, securely to ac- 
complish the end, under the impressive desire to 
promote common good. And the conduct of 
every individual member of society, should prove 
all mankind free of any attempt* to enforce self 
interested measures* to the injury of others. 
This accomplished, perfectibility of conduct 
would become the standard rule, the guide, to 
mankind * and happiness would find a more 
general place in common society ; if perchance* 
individual instances arose of a contrary cast 5 



154 

the power of honest, of virtuous influence ; limuy 
seated in the public tribunals; under the gui- 
dance of just laws ; and supported by the know- 
ledge, the discretion, of a discerning public ; 
would stem the evil, before it ripened to a state 
of high headed maturity. But honest intentions 
towards the whole of a people, have never yet 
gained a fair footing in a state, of improved so- 
ciety. Institutions established under such rules, 
have repeatedly been formed ; and with enough 
of success, to clearly demonstrate the possibility 
of drawing whole communities into such de- 
sirable modes of life ; as would be secured by 
perfect rules of society, honestly regarded in all 
public affairs, and the general dealings of man- 
kind. And to prepare mankind fitly for the per- 
formance of such desirable duties ; all must be 
fitly informed ; fitly educated. B ut those of such 
institutions as have rightly informed, fitly edu- 
cated mankind, for so desirable a purpose ; that 
have gained public attention, and esteem ; so far 
as to raise alarming fears in ruling powers ; have 
always been destroyed of continuance, by the 
politic measures of artful rulers. And who, on 
due consideration can stand surprised by their 
fears? When it is clearly seen, that in the rules 
of government, and the measures by them sanc- 
tioned and enforced, the greatest evils in society 
have had their origin ; and that, by the removal 
of those evils, base governments would become 



155 

destroyed. And till governments are made to 
hold more close to a right duty, than they ever 
yet have been, a remedy to remove the many 
evils, that have in all past times prevailed over 
the multitudinous part of mankind, will not be 
a remedy with the necessary means. — And so 
long as privileged measures are enforced, or 
by any means made admissible, to the extent 
of created power, by an imposing created pro- 
perty ; the many will be subjected slaves to the 
few. We are now upon the point of sending 
our lead, to find the depth of the echo of im- 
posing policy ; and also to trace the most pro- 
tuberant evils, that trickle, that roll in torrents, 
to fill the depths of misery, in improved society, 
to the sources. And as texts of religious de- 
claimers, are noticed by hearers, we would (ex- 
cept implicit admission) wish our readers to note 
the following questions, and all other questions 
in the body of this work, for on them much of 
the superstructure is raised. Is consistency to- 
wards common good visible in the precepts and 
examples of those who hold the power to govern 
nations? Are not overbearing burthens that 
are imposed to support wild extravagance, in 
needless expenses on worthless pompous pride, 
and in all the unnecessary ways that study can 
invent, and artful contrivance enforce, at va- 
riance with common good? Do laws in support 
of temperance, chastity, and all that has a ten* 



156 

dency to promote good order, appear consistent 
with laws, to license houses of intemperance, 
lewdness — with every conduct to debauch good 
order, property, nominally so denominated, that 
is brought into existence without labour, is a 
created being that is the leading cause to many 
of the most weighty evils, that are forced into 
active operation, in the continued progress of the 
general intercourse, passing in improved society t 
Andj when cksely traced, property so created, 
will be found to be the fountain, the source, of 
all the evils that arise, from a superabundant 
value in property, that is forced into existence 
without labour. For by viewing it as it is, we 
mav clearly perceive, that those persons who 
become possessed of property that is not created 
by self labour ; nor, by the labour of others, but 
by a nominal value annexed to that property, so 
created without labour ; impose so on others, as 
by the means of that nominal property, to live 
Without labour. Yea, to gain a plentiful, a more 
than needful supply of all that is necessary to 
make life affluently easy; and extravagantly 
waste much more than is meet to theirs, and 
common good ; of that which to produce, they 
never did one tittle of useful labour. And the 
labour, necessary to supply all the needful wants 
of those extravagant persons, who become, by 
seized possession, or crafty invention in artful 
measures* the exclusive proprietors of such 



157 

property as is not created by labour ; is, by the 
means supplied by such imposing property, im- 
posed on the artlessly simple, the most honest 
part of a community. And fixedly charged 
with the labour, to support those who are pos- 
sessed of such created property, the many be- 
come the perpetual slaves to the few, to furnish 
them with all that is useful and necessary, to 
make to them every conveniency, to render life 
comfortable and easy. Yea, to furnish them 
with toyish ornamental works of art, by arduous 
study and labour, those who are burthened with 
the labouring duty, produce for the overbearing 
worthless part of improved society, many useless 
trinkets. And whether by birth, or any in- 
cidental cause, the burthened part of a com- 
munity are cast into such a state of life, we do 
not hesitate to' declare them to be dishonestly 
pressed, to bear the burthens that others ought 
to labour under ; which, with their own, in a 
country where the extravagance of the worth- 
less knows not bounds, as in Britain; the la- 
bourer is made a dragging slave. 

We cannot count the worthless, the super- 
abominable evils that the measures of base 
rulers have worked into existence in Britain, 
within the last half century. But to sketch a 
general view of such facts as we have witnessed, 
and experienced ; with occasional reference to 
particular causes, and the effects that those 



153 

causes have enforced, is the immediate object of 
our attention. And in the performance we will 
rest our views on our own sources, of knowing 
and thinking ; established on the firm foundation 
of self experience, supported by self evident 
facts. We have felt! We have seen! We have 
thought! And what we have thought, on what 
we have felt and seen ; we will ; with all the 
fearless order that may be worked up in the 
spirit of oppressed feeling ; unshrinkingly declare. 
WHhen a country is, by any means, drawn 
into an extreme that works a pressing weight of 
expense on the government, is it consistent with 
just right to distress, enslave, and bear down to 
pinching want the labouring industrious? O, is 
it right in rulers to oppress the working people 
of a country, involved in weighty expenses ; and 
at the same time allow the affluent to become 
more rich, and more wasteful, in extravagant 
luxury? If, by a right duty governments are 
held to guard the rights, and secure the welfare 
of the people of a nation ; we are far from being 
prepared to declare, that any government has 
performed that duty fully; at any time. But 
the British government has, within the last half 
century, far overstepped the bounds of duty, in 
casting the people into the two extremes of ex- 
alted affluence, and drudgery poverty. Never 
did a government act more in opposition to the 
common welfare of a people, and never did a 



159 

people less deserve to be oppressed by a govern * 
merit. — Without seeming to look with careful 
regard to future consequences, the British go* 
vernment has worked the slate barge, till she is 
become overburthened ; and in the stretch of 
extreme excess, she is now sinking into a fa- 
thomless depth, from which to raise her, would 
be a most powerful action. But the performance 
would be an event, much wished by all persons, 
that are sincere in the cause of common good. 

High rents, tenth tithes, weighty taxation ; 
with numerous other burthens, are imposed on 
the people $ the weight of all which, is eventually 
saddled on the labouring class, for they are the 
producers of all that is truly useful in con- 
venience ; of all that is truly necessary to give 
plenty ; of all that is truly needful to render life 
comfortable. The proprietors of created property 
raised on land, by imposing high rents ; the pri- 
vileged church clergy, by tithes and various other 
perquisites ; the fruits of burthens imposed on the 
people ; and the legislators that impose heavy 
taxes on the people; with many others, that 
strip from labour a part of the fruits, till no more 
than a scanty supply is left for the needful wants 
of the producers, are fundamental sources, to 
the many evils that abound in improved society. 
We know that it is commonly made admissible, 
that the poor are but lightly charged with taxes, 
and other common burthens, and we admit that 



160 

the labouring poor are not directly charged with 
heavy taxes, &c. but to admit that they are not 
indirectly bqrthened with all the public ex- 
penses, would be to admit a falsehood, in the 
face of our better understanding, For, they are 
the only producers of needful property, and by 
close enquiry, that property which they produce 
by labour, will be found to be all the property, 
that is justly valuable. And when fairly con- 
sidered as above 3 all other property will be be- 
held to be created by politic measures, and that 
by its use, the needful wants of those who live 
without labour, are supplied from the labour of 
the industrious producers of needful property. 
And by the introduction of a created spe- 
cies of property, the labouring part of society 
are stripped of the best fruits of their labour ; 
and if not directly taxed, which we admit they 
are not, they are indirectly loaded with the main 
weight of national expense, by eventually press- 
ing the national burthens upon them. Deprive 
the holders of created property of its use, by 
keeping from them the proceeds of useful in- 
dustry, and they will find it necessary to labour, 
or want that which is indispensably requisite to 
support life, in such a state as that of improved 
society. And few, we are led to think, are those 
beings, that move in the course of generated life, 
that when pressed by the feeling of craving 
hunger, would not, in preference to any other 



m 

other article or thing, wish for food. Let us ask 
of what real use property created without la- 
bour, and established "as riches, would be to any 
living being when destitute of what is really 
needful to maintain life? And if the labour of 
the working part of society was withheld from 
the lofty, the useless, the idle — they would be 
deprived of the means to live without the support 
of the industrious, or shaking oW their worthless- 
ness, and becoming industrious. But if the 
smail pittance of created property denominated 
money, allowed to working people for their la- 
bour, was withheld from them, and no means 
of crafty policy practiced to strip them of the 
possession of the fruits of their industry, they 
would not be deprived of the means to obtain a 
living, while free from the shackles of imposing 
policy, and meetly industrious to supply all 
wants. And held in such a state, the industry 
needful to support a family, would be much less, 
than that required by an overbearing power. 
Money! if made the exclusive dependence of a 
community, would starve them I Industry! if 
made the exclusive dependence of a commu- 
nity, would furnish to them plenty of all that is 
needful, for good living! What an admirable 
difference! But — we think — we are certain; 
that property of any denomination created with- 
out labour, is an evil, in any improved society. 
And, we are also certain ; that the means used 
L 



162 

to force unearned interest, or rather, interest 
without labour, out of such created property, are 
dishonest impositions, of which the whole weight 
falls upon industry. And those persons that 
impose such burthens on industry, are not con- 
tent with a sufficiency to render life comfort- 
able. — And we will presume to declare, that to 
make a useless waste of the fruits of industry, as 
if on purpose to overburthen, and make the 
working people oppressed slaves, seems to be 
w 7 ith them a leading object, But, whether so or 
not, we cannot think those persons (whatever 
may be their situation in life) who make an ex- 
travagant use of what others produce by close 
industry, are good members of an improved com- 
munit3'. Nor do we think that any person can, 
by the rule of just right, assume to the practice 
by any means, of imposing on others in any ex- 
treme degree, ovei bearing burthens, purposely 
to become possessed of an extreme excess of 
property. And we cannot perceive, by the most 
close and variously turned views of the common 
unalienable rights ; due to every member of a 
justly formed compact, fixed in settled society; 
that we of our knowledge, and by our thinking 
powers can form ; that any government is jus- 
tifiable in enforcing needless burthens on a peo- 
ple; or drawing a nation by any means, into 
needless expense. But measures that held out 
views towards such a tendency, have ever been 



163 

a leading object with all governments ; and the 
British government has always been much too 
forward, in proceedings of a tendency towards 
such a result. 

Behold! thou philanthropist ; thou true friend 
to thy species, the extreme picture displayed in 
the forms and modes of improved society ; view 
closely every excess, and thou wilt perceive 
much of evil, to touch with deep sorrow, thy 
beneficent feelings, and rouse thee to the ex- 
ercise of all thy powers ; to aid every measure, 
that holds to the removal of existing wrongs' 
Behold! such a picture! in the strength' of thy 
utmost extent of imagination ; thou master in 
the fine art; and impress with due force the 
strokes of thy pencil : and if thou canst work 
an impression to touch, to soften, that hardened, 
obduracy possessing the power but not the 
willing desire, to remove misery — slavery — the 
wrongs worked up by forced oppression ; thou 
wilt most assuredly, be a praiseworthy master 
in thy profession ! Behold ! all and every one 
of you, of all mankind who possess the sense to 
know T , what is wrong, and what is right; and- 
ean discern the difference! Behold the bustle, 
extravagance, luxury — all the intemperance, in 
all the extremes of desire, in which the imposing 
few, in improved society indulge ; and these you 
will perceive the causes, to many existing evils! 
There you will discern the features of the times, 
L2 



164 

in the place in which you live ; and so perceiving? 
not one individual capable in good sense, and 
purely honest to declare, as beholding and feel- 
ing to know, will say, that governing men do as 
duty demands. And in extremes of such a cast, 
the rulers of government affairs in Britain, have, 
within the last half century, overcapped the 
bounds of duty. 

Flushed with the spirit of interference, in the 
internal differences of a neighbouring nation; 
one of the most obstinate, bloody, and skilfully 
managed wars, that the records of history can 
yet speak ; arose out of the interference. — And 
although Britain was eventually successful, in 
the effectual close of the war ; that war has 
worked up the foundation to — What? That 
which will become fatal. — Fatal to what? Bri- 
tain!! Backed up by boasting sounds of glorious 
victories ; rising prosperity in trade, and an un- 
paralleled increase of riches ; with an extended 
increase of power by land and sea ; the rulers of 
the nation became overbearing, extravagant, 
oppressors! And a splendid display of grandeur, 
became the leading passion with all court fa- 
vourites. And to support the boundless ex- 
penses of the war, the British government 
borrowed heavy sums of money, on national 
security ; from persons possessed of large capi- 
tals. And necessity pressed the high political 
leaders, to work the people up to a spirit of en- 



165 

ierprise and industry ; and so encouraged? & 
combination of ingenious and active powers, 
were, by persevering industry, the producers of 
a rapid increase of such property, as is alone 
real. And the rapid increase of so valuable, 
such fundamental property ; displayed a hopeful 
prosperity, while many persons rose, from the 
lowest situations in the working orders of so- 
ciety, to be moderately rich ; and several to rank 
in point of riches, with the few most rich in the 
the nation. And so, by the active care on the 
part of the government to promote trade, which 
necessity pressed, well followed up by the spirit 
of enterprise that moved active traders ; and the 
invention of labour saving machines; and the 
persevering industry of the working people ; the 
national prosperity was of an incomparable 
cast, in point of rapidity and magnitude ; while 
the burthens laid on the people to support the 
war, became extremely heavy. But when the 
overbearing extreme was worked to its pitch, 
the consequent impression was found, and the 
weight of the burthen settled to the point, where 
it is ever found to concentrate ; and the enormous 
taxes to pay interest on the borrowed money, &c. 
eventually became a settled load on the people. 
And the industrious poor became distressed 
slaves! And many of the middle ranks are fal- 
len into that state! And those that are not are 
fast going — down — down — to it. And so db= 



166 

tress and ruin; by the measures of national 
rulers ; was pressed upon the industrious part of 
the community. And many thinking men, who 
had a well meaning desire towards the welfare 
of the people ; viewed with sorrowful regret the 
excess of burthen, into which government was 
drawing the nation. And we have often heard 
such sages say, " ruin will eventually turn upon 
them. ,, But they feel safe, in their guardian 
military strength ; and the protecting power of 
the law in preferring distressing prosecutions, 
against those persons that speak or write such 
truths, as tend to expose their evil deeds ; and 
so feeling, small is their regard to national good. 
Little has ever been the intention of rulers, to- 
wards the common welfare of the people they 
governed. And when our mind turns upon a 
general glance, over the conduct of such men ; 
we are always led to conclude them to have 
been, and to be, hardened villains ; that had, and 
have, but very little regard towards common 
good ; and the only wish to satisfy all desire, 
worked up in the spirit of lofty ambition. If, 
upon close enquiry, a government was found 
virtuous, that is, uprightly honest, temperate, &,c. 
free from evil in all that concerns the affairs of 
a nation ; the people living under such a govern- 
ment, would, on the point of their well known 
character, be found in all things, to be of a simi- 
lar cast ; and few would be the evil practices 



167 

of a nation, blessed with such a government. 
For, if a sore evil arises in a countiy, the govern- 
ment thereof is the invariable cause. A people 
may be more virtuous than their rulers, but to 
say that a government was more virtuous than 
the people under its rule, would be to speak ig- 
norance, as touching the maxims and rules, by 
which governments are directed. 

Directed by our own views, on practical 
government, we confidently presume to say, 
that to govern a nation well, is to guard and 
secure to the people, their just, their equitable 
rights, and interests. To keep good order, to 
check all extremes, and not allow the use of 
any article, that is known not to be of any real 
good ; to promote the genuine happiness and 
prosperity of the country ; but is known to be a 
source, from which abundant evils flow. To 
guard against encroachment, and to make the 
condition of every individual in the country, as 
near as possible, alike easy and happy, is in out- 
opinion, a duty that every government, if directed 
by rules in accordance with just rights, wt>uIc1 
feel bound to perform. 

Many are the evils that beset the British na- 
tion, by the use of articles introduced purposely 
to promote trade ; and thereby to increase the 
revenue. To notice each variet3^ of such evils 
by particular mention, or particular remarks 
thereon, we consider to be unnecessary. For 



168 

by pointing out a few of those introduced into 
common use, with the consequent evils that 
arise therefrom , we are led to think that the bad 
eifects thereof, will be sufficiently exposed, to 
convince those readers who feel a sincere desire 
towards the common good of mankind; that 
those measures must be at variance with good- 
government ; that support a trade by which use- 
less burthens are pressed on the people. Under 
this view, we will proceed to point directly to a 
few articles introduced into the British trade ; 
with the evil consequences that arise to the 
common order of people in that community, by 
the use of those unnecessary articles. 

The first article of trade that we shall notice, 
as a common evil to the labouring people in the 
British nation, is tobacco. A poisonous plant ; 
and one of the most nauseous that is to be found 
among vegetable productions. Doctor Benjamin 
Hush, in an essay on tobacco, observes,' that it is 
too nauseous for the taste of any known animals, 
except mankind and goats. Nor does he think it 
to be (whatever may be the pretext for it) of any 
genuine use to the human species- And by duly 
considering the proofs advanced* by that eminent 
medical practitioner, against the use thereof by 
mankind ; and bringing our own observations to 
bear against it, we are led to conclude ; that 
whatever may be the cause or pretext for its use 
by the human species, or in whatever way by 



169 

them used, it is more hurtful than beneficial, to 
the constitutional temperament of the body. . 

In the year of common date 1585, tobacco 
was introduced into England* by sir Francis 
Drake ; and was first used at court in smoking 
by sir Walter Raleigh.* So used at the court 
of England, it became fashionable among the 
highest ranks of society, to smoke the nauseous 
weed. The contagion worked up by the fashion, 
gradually spread* till an increasing demand for 
tobacco, made it a valuable artick in the trade 
of the nation. And now a numerous majority 
of the people in the united kingdom, above ten 
years of age, make use of tobacco in some usual 
mode, and many in all the various modes of 
smoking, chewing, and snuffing. And can we 
honestly admit that such a plant can become an 
article of general consumption, by beings purely 
sensible, as to what is conducively calculated to 
promote their welfare? And we further ask — 
can beings be purely sensible, who deem such a 
plant of needful use for the protection of health 
and the preservation of life? If allowed to be 
admissible for medical purposes, is the use of 
tobacco indispensably necessary in any case of 
sickness? Can the rational powers of which 
mankind so roundly boast, be duly exercised by 



* If not betrayed by imagination we have read of Raleigh's 
smoking at court, but do not remember the book ; and plac& 
our notke thereof before the public on that authority j 



. no 

those who take that into the mouth which is 
disagreeahle to the taste, and forcibly resisted 
by the stomach? For we have often heard per- 
sons, got into the habit of constantly using to- 
bacco, say, that the resistance of the stomach 
was so forcible against its taste, that if not en- 
couraged to continue its use by persons who 
used it, they would never have fallen into the 
habitual practice of using the loathsome be- 
witching weed. Alas — how little do mankind 
regard the judiciously sensible powers of the 
mind! If directed by those highly valuable 
powers in all their ways, how different would 
the state of improved society be, to what it is 
now seen, now felt to be! Convinced, as we 
now feel, that the common modes of using to- 
bacco are common evils; and that the trade 
thereof is hurtful in its consequent effects to the 
British community ; we do not hesitate in de- 
claring ; that we cannot feel disposed to admit 
it as right, to allow an article that neither gives 
support nor nourishment to the human species, 
to be made a marketable article, on the bare 
foundation of promoting the trading interest. 
We know that the scheming powers of British 
statesmen are needfully on the alert, to raise 
revenue supplies; and that every trifle to the 
support of the national burthens, helps to prop 
their ponderous weight. But we do not think 
that such measures, are in accordance with 



171 

rules, calculated to enforce good government. 
Our views, as touching the measures of the 
B ritish government on the tobacco trade, draw 
us to think ; that the general welfare of the peo- 
ple ought to be the leading object, in admitting 
any article or thing as proper, for the trade of 
the country, And we are, by observation and 
thinking led to conclude ; that when a govern- 
ment suffers, or permits, worthless articles to be 
imported into the country, and those articles be- 
come a valuable property by becoming articles 
of trade, and the consumption thereof imposes 
labour on the people, to the amount propor- 
tionable to the value consumed, remissness or 
impropriety, or both, come out evidently, in the 
conduct of state actors. All the real good, that 
all the people within the united kingdom receive 
from the use of tobacco, is not one tittle more in 
value, than a cypher, standing alone. And if 
we take all the injury that, falls upon them by 
its use into the account, the balance will come 
out to a heavy amount, against the loathsome 
weed. What is the amount of all the good, 
arising out of all the profits of the tobacco trade, 
when compared to the evils arising from its use? 
And is the tobacco trade, profitable to any peo- 
ple in the united kingdom, except the dealers in 
it? What comes from tobacco in the way of 
revenue, may serve to help in paying state job- 
bers their by-standing sinecures. Ana" which of 



172 

the stall, except the partakers, will declare it 
good? 

Tea no\v comes tinder our notice, as an 
imported article that is constantly, and almost 
generally used by the people in Britain ; and its 
trade as touching interest, does, in our opinion, 
place a heavy weight on the scale, unfavourable 
to the united kingdom. And our most strong 
objection to its importation, is the continual 
burthen that the trade saddles on the people. 
Knowing as we do, that such a burthen is 
imposed by the tea trade on the inhabitants in 
Britain, we cannot with propriety of opinion, 
declare its good; although become a common 
beverage, of which the people are generally 
very fond. Because when used with the com- 
mon accompaniments, there is little harm in it, 
and as little nourishment without them. — With 
them it contains an agreeable flavour to the 
taste, and is as harmless as pure water; but 
without them when taken strong, it has often 
been a known destroyer of health. In short (but 
fully considered) we think the tea trade is more 
than worthless to the nation. — 

Our views on the duty of governments, as 
touching the trade of nations, have been in- 
variable, during many of those years that we 
have endeavoured to distinguish right from 
wrong : And are now fixed on the opinion, that 
svery trade of a nation with other nations, that 



173 

is not necessary needful towards their support 
and useful convenience, is a source that works 
up desire, towards unnecessary and hurtful ex- 
cess, in the use of worthless articles. In short, 
we know that every trade in the way of deal- 
ing, is pursued by the desire of gain ; and that 
almost every person concerned in such trade, 
is anxious to become abundantly rich ; and that 
abundant riches work up overbearing influence ; 
and that overbearing influence works up over- 
stretched authority ; and that overstretched 
authority is tyranny ; and that tyranny is a vio- 
lent breach of the natural and social rights of 
mankind. 

The introduction of needless articles of foreign 
production into the British nation, is now be- 
come a weighty evil in that country. Those 
causes are the influencing powers of the landed 
and trading property; w 7 hich have, within the 
last half century, passed far beyond the bounds 
of moderation ; in reducing industry to a state 
of distress— all — all — that was needful to en- 
force an overbearing tyranny, on slavish misery ! 
And when the worse than worthless — the pil- 
fering part of the national stock of T — had pil- 
fered them down as low as possible to get them ; 
those flinty fliers loudly declared them to be re- 
dundant—burthens — which the most weighty 
burthens, the chargers, or the charged? Take 
fpom the few numbers of overbearing power, the 



174 

numerous producers, and the misery will become 
reversed. 

Although we think Britain has never been ex- 
ceeded in the stretch of excess, we find by the 
histories of past times, that overbearing pests 
have ever disturbed the harmony, and destroyed 
the happiness, of improved communities. And 
who that is not influenced by interest, would 
feel willing to declare, that Britain is not now 
overstocked with such pests? 

The primary evil to improved society in Britain 
is monopoly; and as in other countries, the 
monopoly of land was the first, and has ever 
been one of the worst evils of the many, that 
have beset the major part of the inhabitants, in 
that renowned country. And the primary causes, 
with the consequent effects that are worked up 
from (hose causes ; are the objects of our present 
attention. And whether noticed partially or 
generally, the results have one invariable ten- 
dency, that is, to subject the many to perform as 
fully as possible, such slavish drudgery as the 
insatiable desire of the few may wish. And of 
the before said causes, that known to be the 
first established in an improved state of society, 
is the first in point of order, to demand our notice. 
And that is the exclusive privileged right to par- 
ticular sections of land ; to a more than needful 
extent ; granted to be held in the order of suc- 
cessive family inheritance, forever. Are not 



it* 

such grants* stretches that attempt omnipotence 
in power? And is eternal wisdom contained 
in them? And can they be held in perpetual 
security? 

On beholding the present state of right to land 
■in Britain, we perceive in it, one of the most sorry 
evils, ever worked up in the course of improved 
society. That has the last fifty years, progres- 
sively continued to step beyond the bounds of 
justifiable duty. It is the primary cause to all 
the numerous evils, that now prevail in the pro- 
gressive conduct of mankind, in that country, 
where the people are, by the wicked policy of 
lordly rulers, divided into the two extremes, of 
exalted voluptuous excess, and deeply depressed 
misery. - And all the causes to such evils were 
originated in the rights, established by the primo- 
geniture laws ; laws, that vested a powerful 
political influence in the chosen privileged few$ 
that are now as absolute an aristocracy, as ever 
swayed rule over a people. And those evils of 
granting and securing to the first-born of every 
ennobled family, the hereditary right so legisla- 
tive power, with the same degree of fixed right 
to entailed land, are now fully displayed, are 
now fully felt in the overbearing arbitrary power 
of the few, over the many. And who is the 
person that can justifiably say such extremes 
are right? Can buy person possessed of com- 
mon sense, and humane feeling ; behold the ex- 



176 

cess in high life, and the distress in low life, that 
extremely abound in England, and not declare 
the people under the power of an evil genius? 
We have beheld the extremes of grandeur in 
shameful excess — of slavish poverty, distress. — 
We have seen the lofty commoners in England, 
self raised by the fortunes of business, heroic 
deeds, and by bequeathed property. We have 
seen many by fortune's smiles, exalted above 
themselves, and few so raised, that continued to 
be as though they thought themselves but men. 
But we by our common sense were fully con- 
vinced, that they became not more by any dif- 
ference of appearance made by splendid show 
and to declare any known beings as more than 
they are, would not raise a source of easy feel- 
ing in our mind. And what can we say of 
beings that we do not 'know, and know that we 
speak the truth? — And does not the person 
deceive others, and falsify self knowledge, that 
speaks what is well known to self not to be true? 
We may admit the playful fancy of the mind 
as a fact ; we may admit the impressive picture 
of a dream as a fact ; we may admit probability 
as a fact ; but we only know that to be a fact, 
proved to be so by self demonstration, through 
the clear assistance of the senses. Probability 
may stand as the demonstrable pillar to pos- 
sibility ; but all opinions that in appearance pass 
what is possible, may be admitted under the 



177 

idea of their being pure facts, while they have 
no more foundation to raise them up as facts, 
than playful fancy, or the impressive imagination 
worked upon the mind, by a dream, may en- 
force. Mankind are too often deceived in ad- 
mitting erroneous opinions, without minutely 
considering the probability of their truths. If all 
mankind would freely exercise their thinking 
powers, on the probability of truth being con- 
tained in the opinions set forth to them, false 
opinions would seldom become established. Pre- 
judiced minds will often ignorantly receive, yea 
cherish opinions; at variance with their preju- 
dices, and declare them to be good ; till told 
they are the opinions of those whose profes- 
sional, or party names, they despise — hate.— 
Those persons desirous to know what improved 
society was ; and what it now is ; will endeavour 
to obtain the desired knowledge, if enough sin- 
cere, to conquer neglect.— Neglect suffers evils 
to creep into the bosom of improved society. — 
Success in perfecting a wishful desire for true 
knowledge, depends on industry; and few of 
those who closely endeavour; will fail in the 
attempt, to effectually reach the desired end. 
And those who are sufficiently industrious, and 
are not too much blinded by prejudice, but think 
freely, will clearly perceive, that much of the 
Christian mythology, is raised on the heels of 
the heathen mythology. Are the exalted part 
M 



178 

of mankind at the present time, less worshipped 
as gods, than the deified gods, and the goddesses 
of the heathens were? Is formal worship neces- 
sary to admit a god? Are not the modes of ob- 
sequious obeisance, common at this time, sub- 
missive worship to the individuals so honoured? 
And is not the display, set forth in formal modes 
of worship, done to enforce submission to ex- 
alted men, on their underlings, more than to 
reconcile them to an unknown god? Have the 
Christians fewer degrees, in the honorary wor- 
ship, than the heathens had in their deified wor- 
ship? We have beheld as much formal worship 
bestowed, on many of the rioters in excess, un- 
der the names of Christian and honorary dignity, 
as (according to pantheon information) was ever 
bestowed on deified heathens. 

Behold the bending slave, with trembling nod, 
bow submissive worship to the honorary lord, 
who is supported by exclusive claim to soil ; the 
polished being, who is by artful means, raised 
above himself! Behold the being beg, that he 
who never knew — but how to feel above him- 
self, will him admit to do a toilsome work! Be- 
hold, to gratify the lordlings wishful desire, to 
have that done a needless fancy wants to see, 
how busily the hundreds are employed at close 
work ; and for all the labour they perform, re- 
ceive no more than bare subsistence ! Behold 
the extreme of excess, splendour, and luxury, 



179 

among the few 5 and the wants, the slavery, the 
misery of the many ; how lamentably enforced 
in England, by the exalted, and how lamentably 
by the wretched* felt! All this behold; this 
deeply rooted work against all common good, 
thou philanthropist, and by the working ardour 
of thy kind spirit, thou wilt surely be deeply 
touched with the feeling of wishful desire, to 
meliorate the condition of the miserable mul- 
titude. — And all of this, with more than we can 
count, is loud set forth, with all the boasting of 
favourable prosperity to the nation, that art can 
devise. 

When a difference so great, as that now seen, 
now felt in England, in the condition of the peo- 
ple, is continued, yea made more wide, can any 
honest person, possessed of common perception, 
of common sense, admit the opinion, that the 
national rulers wish to better the condition of the 
poGr? Does it not appear clear to the notice of 
every discerning mind, that the British rulers 
possess the power to draw the people from the 
shackles of distress? Would not upright rules 
to enforce justifiable duty render it binding on 
national rulers, to guard the rightful welfare of 
the people against encroachment? Does the 
bill of rights make such a duty binding on legis- 
lators, and others, authorised to exercise govern- 
ing power? And if it does, do the British rulers 
rightly discharge that duty? Would not mode- 
M2' 



180 

rate expenses in their modes of living enable 
land owners to reduce their rents? Does ex- 
treme excess, better the condition of the great 
land proprietors? Is not excess in unnecessary 
expenses visible in and around their magnificent 
seats? And would a curtailment of their ex^ 
penses to a moderate degree, hold out a tendency 
to render the condition of the great land pro- 
prietors worse? Does an over abundant accu- 
mulation of wealth improve the welfare of the 
possessor? Does the necessary welfare of a peo- 
ple to make them happy depend on overabundant 
riches? Is it good policy in a government to 
open channels of trade, to bring overabundant 
riches to the few, and distress the many? Does 
not extensive foreign commerce work against 
the common welfare of a people? For — how 
can we prove partial interest a fountain to pub- 
lic advantage? And why, or how, can foreign 
possessions be a general benefit to a nation? Are 
not large armies supported to protect foreign 
possessions, a sinking burthen to the country 
that supports them? And — do partial benefits 
produce more than partial good? The school 
taught learned may produce school arguments, 
to support falsehood as truth, as touching com- 
mon good ; but we have living evidence to show 
the proof in the extreme difference, that is so 
contrastedly displayed in the appearance of the 
people in England ; that partial benefit is not a 



181 

general good. And how much is done to sup- 
port the extreme difference, as necessary and 
right? More is done, by all the arts of the 
schools, in applicably teaching scholars, by fixed 
rules of instruction in their professional orders, 
to eloquently trumpet crafty arts as truths, to 
keep secure imposed wrongs, than we and hun- 
dreds more could fathom to record. And many 
weighty evils are by them worked up, in their 
influencing powers over implicit weakness, as 
set forth in the train of their professional duties, 
which, to those that watch them closely are 
clearly perceptible. But ignorant implicit be- 
lievers, cannot perceive the imposture! — The 
lamentable consequences of such evils, might be 
measureably removed, by a proper and general 
education. 

Monopoly, and the creation of property with- 
out labour, have ever been leading and con- 
tinued evils, in improved society. And appro- 
priate speculations iu education have, ever been 
impressed on the minds of pupils, to support and 
to secure, the interest of such monopolized and 
created property, to the established owners. 
And such speculations have always been con- 
templated, contrived, to secure, to the various 
orders of society linked therein, affluent support 
without industry, save that of absolute care. 
This is manifestly demonstrated, by the historical 
accounts of past times ; and in England, the pro- 



182 

gressive courses of society at the present time, 
are an evident proof, that such evils now most 
lamentably prevail, over the most worthy, the 
industrious part of the community of that coun- 
try. And should any person feel desirous to ask, 
why the most worthy, and expect we should 
reply, our answer in short would be, because 
the producers of all that is really useful ; and if 
not the most refined, the least corrupt. If those 
persons holding predominant power, were as 
honest in their intentions, as the industrious are 
submissive to their authority ; we are led to think, 
that no part of a community would ever become 
oppressed. And while it is in the power of the 
industrious to gain a supply of food, clothing, 
and all things sufficiently necessary to supply all 
their wants, in common conveniencies, so far as 
to be comfortably clean by moderate labour ; 
they will generally be found content. But when 
the prices paid for labour, become so much re- 
duced as to render it impossible, by the most 
close industry, to obtain a sufficiency of all 
things needful to supply the necessary wants of 
their families, and a redundant pauperism is 
pressed on the producers of all that is really 
valuable, to make comfort and convenience for 
those who press them down to that state ; who 
can suppose it possible for them to be content, 
to bear the loads laid on by their oppressors? 
The pressure will touch the sensitive feeling, 



183 

where sensitive feeling is. — Behold! The mass 
of a community may be drove by necessity, and 
other pressing causes, to do what is not assisted 
by the will; they may by absolute power be 
placed in close confinement ; may be shackled 
by restraint forbidding a self directing liberty : 
The body may be fixed in locked irons ; but to 
the mind, who can the limits fix! Terror, may 
hurl forth, in threats tremendous, and intimidate ; 
but if the mind returns to itself, the return adds 
vigour to injured feelings! 

When by a few leading evils, a numerous 
variety of wrongs are worked into operation, as 
in England at this time ; a slight removal of such 
wrongs will produce no more than a trivial 
remedy to those unjustifiable measures. Nor 
will the many ills, now pressed on the working 
people of that country, be sufficiently removed ; 
to render the condition of that part of the com- 
munity comfortable, in all that is needful to 
make them so ; till the full amount is paid in 
every branch of work, for the whole of labour 
done ; to enable them to provide adequate sup- 
plies, of all that is necessary ; for the support 
and convenience of their families. And if in- 
dustrious and frugal, why not obtain as full a 
share of the advantages of improved society, as 
any other class of the community? Is any class 
of the community more worthy than the orderly 
industrious? Are the social virtues seen more 



184 

pure, in the conduct of any other class of in> 
proved society, than in the conduct of the econo- 
mical working people? Is disorderly conduct 
in words or actions, more pure in characters of 
trained refinement, thbn in unimproved rusticity? 
Is knavish and wicked refinement, as worthy in 
the ranks of improved society as mean ignorance? 
Is much of desire to promote common good per- 
ceptible in the proceedings of the ruling powers 
of Britain? 

When we reflect on the various evils, that 
have a tendency to oppress the working people 
in England, our astonishment is raised to a very 
high pitch? For we perceive the nation to he 
in reality, what our imagination with every pos- 
sible idea on improvement and enterprise, in 
view, would not fifty years ago, have formed it 
to be at this time. The art there displayed in 
skilful ingenuity ; the firm and neatly executed 
handy work ; the variety from works of weight 
and magnitude to an almost imperceptible small- 
ness ; with all that is done to gratify, to plenti- 
fully supply their needful wants; are demon- 
strable proofs of the capable powers mankind 
possess, to invent and execute abundant works 
of art. And as far as we can reach, by the 
stretch of observation, to perfect the understand- 
ing by clear conclusive reasoning ; man stands 
superior in knowledge to all other animals ; by 
the proof made out by our enquiry. And on 



185 

turning to' behold his works of self defence, and 
to destroy other beings, how great the art of 
man! We should be apt to pass a favourable 
opinion on every invention ; while we considered, 
or knew it to be beneficially useful to the com- 
munity. But when found hurtful to the conv 
mon interest of society ; we think a right duty 
would bind the government to check, yea to 
stop, the use of all inventions, so found to be — 
with every trade in dealing, trafficking, foe- 
raised to a gigantic magnitude ; by overgrown, 
overbearing, monopoly. But who, that con- 
siders what the British government now is, can 
suppose that the welfare of the people, is any, 
the least object of cabinet desire? Is the safety 
of the British government held secure by op- 
pressing the people? Could not the national 
debt, with many of the evils worked up in pro- 
perty created by partial laws, passed by the 
legislature of that overwhelmed country, be re- 
moved, witiiout endangering the government? 
Could not the corn laws be removed by a final 
repeal, without endangering the government? 
Could not the national expenses and rents be 
reduced, without endangering the government? 
Could not chartered companies be put down, 
without endangering the government? Could 
not overwhelming monopolies be put down, 
without endangering the government? 
By continued observation the remark is be* 



186 

come very general, that every extreme in trade 
finds its level, and trading experience, has com- 
monly established the proof to the remark. But 
the trade of oppressive burthens never finds a 
proportionate level, for it is, invariably settled 
on the working part of society. And when such 
burthens become fixed, as in Britain, the cer- 
tainty of removal appears doubtful. W hen those 
men that manage national affairs, are warmly 
desirous to extend dominion and power ; to ob- 
tain titled honours and riches ; and to riot in 
luxurious splendour ; without a duly considered 
regard how obtained. When property becomes 
an almost general object of desire ; and all per- 
sons without it are looked upon as simple fools ; 
little is the chance left for honesty ; to soar above 
slavery and bare living, If the human species, 
in emerging from the state of nature to the state 
of improvement, were directed by the rules of 
strict honesty, and in the progress of advance- 
ment purely continued the course, under the 
guidance of impartial laws, justly administered ; 
very little of dishonesty would be found to pre- 
vail, in the conduct of improved society. And 
in proportion to what now are, very few would 
be imprisoned for debt, or punished for crime. 
And if every person, existing under the rules of 
improved society, was purely taught to under* 
derstand truth from falsehood, and right from 
wrong, then all would have an equal chance of 



137 

becoming capable, to guard against dishonest 
imposition. Are not partial laws dishonest im- 
positions? And are not laws that create pro- 
perty without industry partial? Are overreach- 
ing measures in trade honest? And can persons 
be strictly honest that become superfluously 
rich? If all mankind honestly endeavoured for 
what they obtained, would any person possess 
an overflowing stream of riches? Are not riches 
created without labour a common evil? Is 
trading credit necessary to promote a common 
good? Is not trading credit an evil? If nothing 
was to be valued as property save what became 
property by industry, and property so made was 
to hold its full value to the producers ; would 
not just rights be more fully possessed, by the 
working people in Britain, than they now are? 
And what is really valuable as property, except 
that becomes so by labour? And how can all 
gain their just rights for labour, while those that 
do not labour obtain the best of its fruits? 

If we enquire to know the causes, that es^ 
tablished an hereditary right to land, held by the 
nobility of Britain ; and also by established right* 
by many of the rich commoners, to more of the 
best fruits arising from the land to . one in* 
dividual, taken in the aggregate at a common 
value, than would well supply all the wants of 
hundreds of the working people, we find the 
first of these existing evils, arose from absolute 



188 

grants* made secure by the ruling power?, 
Grants, we might say, to establish them and 
their posterity a perpetual public burthen ; that 
is now become a base mass of refined rubbish, 
raised up by making misery ; and lifted far above 
a just standard? 

As we have repeatedly stated, we behold in 
the progressive course of improved society a 
dependent necessity, in procuring all needful 
wants. And by close observation we clearly 
perceive, that industry is the producing source 
to all those wants ; and that the producers by the 
most close industry, and under the most pros- 
perous advantages, while depending on no 
means beyond self labour, can gain but little 
more than needful support. But we are by ex- 
perience and observation led to conclude, that 
if not stripped of the best fruits of their industry, 
by overbearing and designing measures, they 
would be as rich as any class of human beings, 
in an improved state of society* And why not? 
By this question we are drawn to line out re- 
marks, on the progressive improvement in so- 
ciety ; and by a view of existing evils, to demon- 
strate leading facts, to explain the wrongs im- 
posed on industry. 

The first, the leading step to strip industry of 
its earnings, we are convinced (as far as the 
accounts recorded of past times can convince 
our understandings by all the research within 



our reach) has ever been an exclusive claim of 
imposing power, to the land of the country ; the 
land that had always been a field of common 
right. That land could fairly in justice, remain 
a common right, when mankind began to im- 
prove, we do not perceive to be practically pos^ 
sible; because we think every individual in 
improved society, ought to hold secure pos^- 
session, of all the fruits of self industry ; which 
under improvement could not become admis-? 
sible, by such a right. But to admit that any 
individual, shall possess or claim, an exclusive 
right to more land than he can improve, is, by 
our opinion declared to admit the strongest hold, 
that evil can fasten upon improved society- 
Such partial wrongs arose, when individuals 
became possessed of more land than they could 
improve, by self industry ; and began to monopo- 
lize the labour of others, by which a state of 
vassalage became the common lot of the many 9 
and the few became their lords. And so the 
power of the few over the many, was worked 
up to an absolute right, by which means, the 
few have become overbearing knaves, and the 
many subjected slaves. If we can rely on his- 
tory, and other evidences, all of which give a 
corroborative proof, of the boundless, abusive 
authority, that the few in the utmost extreme of 
power, have exercised over the many and are 
not callous in spirit of feeling towards common 



190 

good, we must sincerely wish, that a more equU 
table rule was securely held the directing guide, 
to improved society. That partial evils have 
been worked up in improved society in past 
time, to an overbearing and most oppressive 
pitch, is too probable a truth to doubt ; and that 
they exist at the present time is demonstrable to 
us, in our own experience, and observation. In 
England, the country in which we received 
breathing existence, and became matured in 
growth the stretch of extreme evils is passing, in 
boundless excess, and pitiable distress. 

To the nation of our nativity, we intend now, 
to turn our particular attention, to note how 
evils became established. — 

When absolute power was swayed by the 
kings of England, as a sovereign right, the 
reigning monarchs gave to their favourites large 
tracks of land ; and by partial laws established 
those grants primogenial. Land so gran led 
became fixed property, that enabled the owners 
to live thereby, without doing any labour ; for 
all the people that resided near them were 
necessarily forced to become their dependents, 
their servile vassals. In return for such favours 
from the kings, the favoured became supporters 
to the tyrants; and by their supporting influence, 
the kingly power became more secure. So were 
a second order of men raised (bearing the name 
in plurality, of nobles) that have ever been found 



191 

like to kings, in casting a pressing burthen on 
the people, in exercising absolute authority* 

The next order of men that were raised to 
favour by the kings of England, were the clergy. 
Monarchs have always made them active in- 
struments, to strengthen and support their sove- 
reign power ; and they have always been sorry 
checks to the peace, harmony — and social and 
common interests of the people. We do not 
suppose it to be very probable that those persons 
who never turned a thought thereon, have ever 
perceived that these three orders of men, have 
raised the leading sources to the pressing evils, 
that have often, and now sorely beset the people 
in England. But who, that beholds and thinks 
to know the causes whence the extreme dif- 
ference in that country arose, will not perceive 
king, lords, and clergy, to be the sources, from 
whence all weighty evils flow? For it as de- 
monstrably clear to us, as ever was made the 
solution of any question to mankind ; and is as 
certain a truth, as that of two equal numbers 
being put together, making one number double 
in the amount, to either number. — And let us 
further remark that if — What? Laws to en- 
force impartial honesty and secure equitable 
rights to the people, have ever been passed in 
England ; they have never been known to exist 
in practice! We perceive it necessary here to 
note, that the poor laws bear the appearance of 



192 

security of right, to the oppressed. But what 
person, fully beholding, and clearly perceiving, 
will not, as applied; feel a wrong impression 
conveyed by the word pauper? If pauperism 
comes in needy support, who partakes more 
plentifully thereof than the needy rich? Are not 
means that enable them to procure what they 
want raised by industry? Are. not the industrious 
held down to the lowest ebb of poverty by op- 
pression? And when sick or old and relieved 
by what wronged labour had produced are they 
not marked paupers? If all able bodied peqDle 
laboured to supply an abundance lor self sup- 
port ; and were all equally secured by law to 
hold the proceeds of self industry clear from any 
imposing measures ; would not a moderate de- 
gree of work secure all the inhabitants of any 
country, strictly governed by such regulations, 
againt want? Would elevated or low pauperism 
be known in a country ; while the inhabitants 
knew not any established right ; hut that of la- 
bouring usefully for self support! 
1 Tell us thou king! Ye lords temporal and 
spiritual ! Ye inferior officials civil and ecclesias- 
tical! Are your»pretentions real? If immortals 
you are to be ; of such a cast as you are in the 
terminating state ; who would wish to be eter- 
nally subjected to you? On beholding you one 
and all, as acting under one artful system of 
combined policy, who, that is under the in- 



193 

fluence of good sense, can believe that you en- 
deavour to direct public affairs, so as to promote 
the peoples welfare? Are the measures en- 
forced by your laws of boundless excess, and 
extreme desire, as conducive to common good, 
as the beings raised by your ambitious imagina- 
tions could suggest? And are the reins of govern- 
ment held by you, for no purpose beyond selfish 
and overbearing desire? Is crafty delusion set 
forth to hoodwink the peoples senses, the best 
mode of government? Have you not enacted 
law upon law, till made a multiplied mass of 
incomprehensible contradiction? Is the enforce- 
ment of belief in incomprehensible mystery ne- 
cessary, as a support to governments? Does the 
sincerity of divines generally extend beyond self 
interest? Are your law courts, courts of im- 
partial justice? Have you not made laws to 
enforce temperance, and to license houses to 
draw people into drunken and other intemperate 
habits? Is not every species of monopoly hurtful 
to the general interests of society? Have you 
not made laws to prevent monopoly, and granted 
charters by which you allow extensive monopo- 
lizing privileges? Would right rules of duty 
point out to you, the necessity of encouraging 
and protecting, what is well known by you, to 
draw the people under oppressive burthens? 
Are not the tea and tobacco trades oppressive 
evils? Do both or either of these trades produce 
'N 



194 

any real benefit to the community ; or is the 
united kingdom benefitted by either? Is either 
of these articles of any useful value, as touching 
the needful support of mankind? Is commerce 
without real benefit, often or ever, found to pro- 
duce real good to the people of a country so 
trading? Is it good policy in a government, to 
encourage the introduction of any foreign ar- 
ticles to their market, that are known not to be 
of any real worth to the people? Is extensive 
colonization advantageous to the nation? Is 
oppression at home, to support extravagant ex- 
penditure abroad, a good system of policy? 
Would good rulers oppress the people at home, 
to raise prosperity abroad ? Is partial ignorance 
consistently adapted, to support the common 
rights of mankind? Is partial education con- 
ducive to common good? Is education to work 
up delusion necessary, to secure support to 
governments? When the rulers of a nation 
consider it necessary for the security of their 
power, to deceive mankind, by imposing upon 
them learned delusion, artfully raised ; and the 
belief in delusive falsehood becomes established 
as a fact, and supported by the ruling powers of 
the land ; can any rational being, who views 
the ways of mankind by the eye of clear per- 
ception ; suppose that truth will prevail over 
falsehood? When ignorance has possession of 
the seat of the mind (by whatever cause there 



195 

placed) what, except, the possession of sound 
knowledge, will remove the stubborn possessor? 
Can any means, except one genuine, one clearly 
sound system of education, based upon the most 
profound truth ; remove falsehood from the seat 
of power? 

We do not hesitate in declaring, that no 
means, save that of a clear and sound educa- 
tion, based on facts, and so proved true, so made 
clearly free from all partiality ; from all profes- 
sional alloy ; can remove the evils that have, 
under false systems of instruction, ever existed,; 
have always held the common orders ©f man- 
kind fettered, in the trammels of dark ignorance* 
Is delusive instruction to subject body and mind 
necessary, and would not honest desire wish its 
discontinuance? Look to the professional orders 
of the land how they strip you, O ye Britons! 
Are not you ; declared free? And what the 
freedom.. ye possess? Is it the freedom of ig- 
norant befooled slaves, to those who never had, 
nor never will have, a just right, to strip you of 
all your natural rights — to deprive you of equal 
social privileges with them— by overbearing 
crafty measures to press you down to a menial 
state? Was it a man bearing the name of king? 
Was it men bearing the names of lords? tem- 
poral and spiritual? Was it spiritual professors? 
Was it common legislators? Was it law pro- 
fessors? Was it medical professors? Was it 
N2 



196 

monopolists in trade, mechanical and manufac- 
turing arts? Was it, and is it, all of these with 
every class, every order above you, that has kept, 
and keeps you down, in a state of ignorance, 
poverty, and slavish misery? We say, in be- 
holding from whence every source of extreme 
wealth flows, and viewing closely the originating 
fountain, we perceive ; that every order in im- 
proved society, that stands classed above you 
by various modes, worked up by studied con- 
trivance; are continually stripping from you, 
parts of the effects, produced by your close in- 
dustry. And when stripped of many parts, very 
trifling is the remainder left ! When of the best 
part we say, of the fruits of your industry you 
are, by overbearing measures stripped; when 
the fountain of your existence is drained, your 
living supplies are drawn, (and that too often) 
to the extreme of a scanty ebb. And as the 
most of you are too commonly stripped of those 
fruits, and have scarce enough left to give you 
bare support; few are those among you that 
have ought to spare, beyond needful wants. 
And when sickness or any other check, casts an 
obstacle in the way of your labouring power, 
your means to obtain a living become destroyed; 
and by that and extra expenses to doctors, &c. 
you fall into the state of distressing want, of 
woeful misery! — The end — the close — of what? 
Oppressed slavery! Oh! pitiable, lamentable 



197 

state! When compared to all the horrors of an 
imaginary hell ; can we think to behold a con- 
dition more feelingly to touch our pity? In 
purity of thought — who could? Oh slavery, 
poverty, distress, misery. — Where is the land has 
more of these and the attendant ills than Britain? 
Under such circumstances how many of you, 
poor beings ; linger out your time? And if re- 
lieved; Oh! how cold the charity oft comes! 
Oh! how small! Pure beneficence is scarce, 
where no more than a trifle is returned, (when 
needful want loud calls) of that unfairly stripped 
from the industry of poor slaves ! For all that 
is bestowed in the way of charity, to relieve dis- 
tressed working people, is no more than a trifle, 
of what has been stripped from the fruits of their 
industry. And further $ when distress has gained 
possession in the dwelling of industry ; and spread 
its baneful influence to pinching want ; few alas, 
are those; who could bestow relief that will! 
Unless to boast thereof in public prints! Not- 
withstanding, but there are that will — and still 
we cannot more than state them few. 

Thou king ; art placed at the head of power ; s 
and thy name crowns the law ; and by the use 
of thy name ; laws are made powerful. We 
admit that laws, when just, should fully hold 
their power ; but laws, that do not hold a due 
regard to the just, the equitable rights of man- 
kind ; we do not feel disposed to approve, as 



198 

meetly fit to stand. When the labouring poor 
are wanting bread is it wrong in them to com- 
plain? When they (we ask thee king, are dis- 
tressed, is the extreme extravagance of a court 
that exercises authority over them just? 

By the temporal and spiritual lords; by sin i- 
cures ; by many commoners of a corrupt repre- 
sentative body ; by privileged professors in law, 
divinity, and physic - r by charted trading com- 
panies; with many more ; government privileges 
are held. All of whom, depend ©n the perma- 
nency of government,., for the security of, the 
advantage they possess.. And when to these 
strengthening props, we add the overbearing 
weight of securities, held against government 
for funded stock, we perceive in. the massive 
accounts,, the strength of national policy, to be 
established by created property, held, in real and 
false estates,.raised in land and paper. — We per- 
ceive,, that by such property the leading strings 
of the British government are held. Can a 
government so established,. and, conducted ac- 
cordingly* support the common rights of man- 
kind? O ye natives of England,, that are exalted 
above the working poor — can you behold their 
condition ; and not think that by you they are 
wronged? That you could not exist without 
them* we will not presume to say ; but, had you 
not others to labour to procure you needful sup- 
plies, youw r ould be necessitated to work, or die* 



199 

of want. To die ; as thousands have done, of 
whose distressed, wretched, and most miserable 
ends ; you have been the pressing means! Nor 
could you, by the most close industry, with the 
utmost exertion of your active powers, aided by 
all the ingenious inventions, that human art can 
supply ; procure what you now destroy, in un- 
necessary extravagance ; in needless excess; in 
all the ways that wasteful pride can study to 
enforce. Did you rightly consider the honds of 
society, would you think it right to reduce the 
greatest portion of the community, of which you 
form the ruling parts; to slavery and want? 
We question all who rank above the working 
poor—and to your pretentions, your overbearing, 
overstretching, overcoming conduct, give the lie., 
when you declare you wish and act for com- 
mon good? Self interested views are seen, to- 
be the wishful aim of your desires, by all who 
do your modes of dealing with the working poor 
behold ; and think enough to know, that profits 
able advantage gains you riches. Could any 
person become possessed of overbearing riches, 
without passing by the rules of pure honesty, in 
exercising an overstretch of extent, beyond the 
bounds of honest right; in his dealing with 
others? No, Could any person become pos- 
sessed of an excess of riches, by the means of 
labour, without engrossing the profits of other 
peoples labour? No, When the means of sup 



200 

port to the many, becomes placed under the 
power of the few ; are not the many by neces- 
sity, forced to become dependent slaves to the 
few? We say they are; and this fact is too 
much verified in England * to admit the boasted 
freedom to right in that country, to be more than 
ill founded report* to support base impropriety 
of conduct, by a good name. What are the 
advantages that the people derive, from all the 
improvements in that country, and on the profits 
from which, much boasting goes abroad? We 
are convinced, as fully as observation and ex- 
perience can enforce a convincing proof; that 
the condition of the working part of the com- 
munity, is^ in. many points rendered worse by 
mechanical improvements, as employed in Eng- 
land. And we are, from the same cause, led to 
think ; that every person possessing common 
sense, and acquainted with the rules and modes 
enforced by large manufacturing monopolists ; 
will admit that tyrannical rules are overbear- 
ingly enforced, in those seminaries of industry, 
erected for the purpose of closely employing the 
enslaved poor. And is it right to suffer the few 
to draw the many, into a state of unnecessary 
slavery? And what is the inducing cause to the 
enforcement of extreme labour? Is it a desire to 
promote common good, or to gain an excessive 
property? Can common good arise from a con- 
tinual overburthened labour, pressingly imposed ? 



201 

When known to be a common evil, why does 
government allow a monopoly of labour? Is an 
extreme disproportion in society, the most secure 
prop to a government? Will extreme excess, 
work a lasting security to overbearing oppres- 
sion and slavery? 

The study of the designing part of mankind, 
on the, point of interest* enforces the desire to 
gain a permanent support, for themselves and 
their posterity, independent of labour. And 
when the powers of the mind are unfettered, and 
the objects of desire are pursued by close study, 
plans of action are formed from the views. 
And when steadily pressed, an unshaken per- 
severance to accomplish the wished end, is the 
means by which much is effected. And those 
persons that unceasingly pursue, and enforce 
any action or rule, hurtful to the community, or 
any section ov individual thereof i are violators 
of the reciprocal bonds of society. And it is by 
such violations^ that extreme distinctions are 
raised among mankind ; in the improved state* 
And to produce the comforts of life under such 
extremes* the many are forced, by imposed 
wrongs, to become slaves to the few ; and are 
deprived the use of those comfortable articles.) 
produced by their labour* Yea! are so much 
distresssed by oppression ; that they linger 
through existence in a state of pinching want, 
of wretched ignorance! And we do not hesitate, 



202 

when we direct the pen to repeat facts, we, be- 
fore have often declared, as touching leading 
evils ; that the oppressive burthens laid on the 
people, in taxes and duties ; the created property 
in an exclusive right to land, and the paper 
securities; with all that arises from created 
property of every cast ? falls a settled load on 
the labouring part of the community. Thus to 
repeat, to set forth the weighty burthens settled 
on labour, we feel a necessary pressure; as a 
conclusive end to every line we draw ; to analyze 
and render parts more clear ; to show how evils 
rise, and are enforced on the oppressed ; the 
more than neglected 5 the abused part of im- 
proved society. And why press down the great- 
est portion of mankind, to such a state ; and at 
the worst of griping times establish soup shops, 
to give them shadowy relief? And now to write, 
as honest truth plainly directs, we are here led 
to say .--If the British government did not waste- 
fully expend the proceeds of industry ; ii no per- 
son in the nation had a greater yearly income, 
than was necessary to supply an unostentaTk^is 
support to rank ; with enough to spare, to pay 
all unavoidable extra expenses ; and if all the 
people, king, and nobles, and bishops, included ; 
considered it not to be an allowable right, to 
become overabundantly rich ; we will venture 
to assert (because we are as certain, if strictly 
brought into practice, that it would stand to 



20S 

truth as frilly, as two and two stand to count 
four) that in a country so improved as Britain 
is ; in useful arts and well regulated systems, to 
facilitate business and work, and where the peo- 
ple are generally industrious; few, if any,, would 
feel the want of the necessary supply* of all that 
is needful:, to give full support* and comfortable 
convenience. And whatever may be said to the 
contrary* so much of reform might be enforced 
in England* without producing any real injury 
to any individual, or any class in the ranks of 
society. And to support the common good of 
mankind, it is necessary to check-— to stop all 
extremes. If mankind obtain enough to give 
them plentiful support* and convenient comfort; 
with enough to spare for necessary purposes of 
need, all beside is certainly worthless — need- 
less—and excess is hurtful to the body ; and not 
over satisfactory to the mind- But enough to 
give them a needful supply, of all that is wanted 
for the support, convenience, and comfort of 
mankind ; and to spare for necessary purposes ; 
will not satisfy the insatiable monopolizers of 
riches and powei\ Reared as they are, to believe 
themselves by every right, natural, civil, and 
divinely supernatural ; to be hereditary heirs to 
exclusive privileged power; to exercise authority; 
to make all around them servile attendants ; to 
procure all that their pride in grandeur and. 
luxury may want —So loitering in worthless 



204 

ease, they hold it as a privilege that is possessed! 
by indisputable right, to exercise authorativel 
power; and fully to accomplish every wishful! 
desire. And so reared, and strengthened in the I 
spirit of overbearing pride, they command, and 
draw others to toil at what they may desire 
them to do, and for the labour pby no more than 
barely will support the work people by them 
employed. However, or in whatsoever way we 
turn our views, on the progressive courses of 
mankind, when drawn into the shackles of par- 
I tially improved society ; we behold one common 
end, that is, overbearing worthless excess, and 
s ^ibjected slavery and distress. And in all the 
"ait variety that we behold, the high rents paid 
| or forms, are of the worst evils, that are worked 
iin ui-^ m proved society. Nor do we know of 
anv evil, tnat works more effectually to distress 
the industr* ous P art °i tne British community. 
This will b£ rnade manifestly clear to any per- 
son that im )ai "^ a ^y considers; how the means 
to support t ie great land proprietors in Britain, 
are raised. A remedy to this evil, appears to 
our view o> tne scale of reciprocal right, fairly 
marked mfa e rule °f justice. But when evils ; 
lon°- estab srie d, are made unquestionable rights 
bv usa^e, ufferage, and protecting laws; a just 
remedy n' st dearly pointed out, seldom has a 
tendency 3 work up a disposition, in those who 
possess tl P°wer, to effect a removal. Because 



205 

the modes of imposing unjustifiable measures 
on communities in the infantine state of govern- 
ments ; in fixing a continued value on property, 
created by various means without industry ; aid 
the proprietors of such property, in imposing an 
overbearing share of labour on others, and by 
the means of that imposed labour, they are 
enabled to live in idle affluence. And govern- 
ments so established, are, by selfish motives, 
directed to secure their partial rights, by partial 
laws ; and property so created, becomes thereby, 
possessed of the absolute right to govern. Can 
a government so established be liberal in its 
measures? When closely considered, is the 
democratic branch of the British government 
perceived to be any thing more than a mock 
representation? And by close observation and 
reflection, will not the influencing power of the 
aristocracy be perceived, to be the directing 
guide to that mock representative body? And 
how was that overbearing aristocracy raised? 
Can any law be more dangerous to the rights 
of a community, than that which establishes a 
heriditary right to monopolized land ; and affixes 
to that right an indisputable legislative power? 
And can the corrupt measures of governments 
be more fully enforced, by any rules within the 
extent of human power to form ; than by those 
rules worked up in the art of British state policy ; 
under the influence of an overbearing hereditary 



206 

aristocracy? What person possessing common 
sense, on beholding what a vast weighty chain 
of corrupt evils, is linked in those bodies, that 
form church and state policy in England; can 
escape astonishment; that the many of the same 
species, can be brought so far to submit to the 
overbearing schemes of the few? And can any 
enquiring mind escape perceiving, that over- 
bearing force and delusive falsehood, raised to 
awe and subject ignorance, are the leading 
means to establish the security of base power to 
such rulers? They are so wielded together, as 
to form one of the most, oppressive systems of 
government, that ever was enforced over man- 
kind ; and by the being so linked, they feel 
secure in all the measures they enforce, against 
the common rights of an oppressed, deceived 
multitude, of subjected slaves. So did the tenth 
Charles of France and his advisers. — If truth 
and honesty were the standard guides, to politi- 
cal directors in civil affairs ; and spiritual leaders 
(so called under the name divine,) would not the 
bulk of mankind be less slaves, and more happy 
in mind than they now are? And would the 
oppressors be in a worse si ate, as touching 
bodily health and contentment of mind ? Ne- 
cessity might draw them to useful industry, by 
Vvhich the now overburthened slaves would be 
eased ; but they would feel less of unnecessary 
care and anxious desire ; the sure promoters of 



207 

■continual trouble, and insatiable want — needless 
want! In the midst of that plenty ; drawn from 
the labour of the needy slaves who are the indus- 
trious producers of all that they possess; of which 
many too many of them have more than is need- 
ful, to secure the enjoyment of comfort, of easy 
happiness. Is not boundless excess, when pro- 
moted to the extent of enslaving, and distressing 
those, who are the necessitated producers of ail 
that excess, to the unproductive and useless 
members of society; a common evil? What a 
vast numerous train of such evils, are suffered to 
run with boundless scope, through the various 
ranks of improved society ! The powers of the 
mind, when turned to observe and reflect, most 
clearly will behold at every glance, and in every 
direction ; the evils produced and settled on the 
industrious poor; by the foul workings of the 
designing classes of mankind. Pressing ideas 
on the course of progress in the ways of human 
beings, present to our view tire paths of justifiable 
right, and unjust wrong ^ but to nurse those ideas 
up to mature growth, might be the means of 
drawing us too far from our course. But in 
those views we perceive most clearly, by the 
just rights of mankind; one individual is not 
acting justifiably right ; yea more, not honestly 
right, that by trade or any other means, strips 
another of the fruits of his industry. And the 
operative mass, the working part of the com- 



208 

rnunity, the producers of all that is really useful, 
are much too much stripped by various means, of 
the fruitsof their labour. This we have repeatedly, 
and variously noticed before ; but to be more 
complete in consistent clearness, we perceive it 
hecessary to trace the lines from their sources, 
by a sketch view, that will set forth in ranged 
cr. ler, how by various means, they are stripped 
of i he fruits of hard industry. 

The king is the nominal chief head of govern- 
ment, and from that source the leading evils 
to tljose that have trickled after, have been 
emai ia ted. The first in point oi weighty im- 
portance, of the leading evils, we consider to 
be th e security of hereditary right, held by pri- 
mogeniture laws in one continued line, to large 
tracks, f land. This established security of 
right \ky law, gives to the first-born son of every 
ennobjled family a hereditary security to live in 
idle aiffluence ; and if an ignoramus to be a legis- 
lator.' By this we perceive, that one individual 
in e Very ennobled family, is secured to a legisla- 
tor^ S eat, in the aristocratic assembly, denomina- 
t\Vely named the lords'' house of parliament. And 
the power to ennoble is vested in the king. And 
the kingship is, by law, held a hereditary right to 
the next heir. So established, the two first 
branches of the British government, are linked 
in one fast hold of hereditary right ; that secures 
to them all needful support, yea more than need- 



209 

affluent support; without being -subject ea k 
perform any part of the necessary labour, to 
produce comfortable and convenient dwellings 
for themselves, but are by the undue right, they 
have gained, enabled to pay what is by them 
and others worked up to bear an equivalent 
price for labour, to those they employ. And by 
the scheme of raising means, not produced by 
self labour, nor by the self labour of their an- 
cestry, they are secured in the power to com- 
mand the labour of others^ to the performance 
of all that is needful for their support, con- 
venience, and comfort. And much too much of 
unnecessary labour, is for them done, when 
fancy or desire demand it. Are not such pecu- 
liar advantages as those vested by particular 
grants of overabundant tracts of land, with fixed 
legislative powers, proved by experience to be 
sorry evils, in the ranks of improved society? 
This, every observing person reared in Britain, 
knows to be.— What! A fact. — Behold reader! 
and beholding observe well, what follows to 
bear up the train! And if thou hast hitherto 
been deceived, let thy senses in future direct thee 
rightly to understand. Princes and princesses, 
tight honourable, sons /and daughters of king 
and nobles, legitimate and illegitimate, and fa- 
voured with more of hereditary right than re- 
lationship ; and the power to deal partial favours 
can bestow ; are not reared to dig or work at 
O 



210 

any useful employ ! but to live in idle affluence \ 
because the offsprings of the royal, or noble 
families. How fortunate those are, who chance 
to have such blood in their bodies! A fellow 
wishing to know why a difference in the blood 
of particular families, from the blood of any 
other family, seeing as he did, blood of other 
families so similar to that partially named ; as 
not to perceive any difference ; after much en- 
quiry, perceived the difference was raised, to 
express a distinguishing mark of rank, or family, 
among princes and nobles. And when he rightly 
understood the purpose ; declared it to be a 
delusive evil, an offspring of deified birth — not 
raised by genuine worth. — A continuation of 
heathen deification. — For said he, "1 see, and 
by experience know, that we who are ranked 
below them, are, by every passing means of im- 
posed duty, of custom, of all that has a tendency 
to enforce submission ; pressed into the ob- 
servance of common practice, to admit it as a 
duty, obediently to submit to the commands of 
the parents, and children, of these exalted fami- 
lies. To strive to please them to avoid the evil 
of feeling want, in w r ant of place, the issue com- 
monly worked up in an affront, given to these 
heirs to, and possessors of, the ranks of exalted 
blood, by domestics. And on approaching them, 
to bow and adulate respectful worship, to these 
deified superiors; that by crafty overbearing 



211 

means, are raised above themselves ; above all 
purely useful ranks, in the progress of improved 
order in society," so spoke the man. — -But who 
can enumerate all the needless foolish nonsense, 
enforced by the commanding orders of these 
godships of rank, folly, and base craft ; and 
purposely pressed in their education? The un- 
der branches of those families not reared to dig, 
but to pass through life in idleness Or worthless- 
ness,or worse than w r orthlessnes's ; have generally 
the advantage of a leading influence ; to obtain 
beneficial situations in government departments 
in the church, the army, and the navy. And 
such situations are more generally given, to 
raise the fortunes of those on whom bestowed, 
than to advantage the common interests of the 
people. And to secure them certain income, to 
live according to the passing customs of the ex- 
alted ranks of society ; unnecessary offices are 
invented and created, to which are annexed 
large salaries, paid out from money raised by 
oppressive burthens, variously imposed on the 
people. Has a king, an ennobled lord, or any 
other person, officially capacitated to manage 
any department in the affairs of a nation ; a jus- 
tifiable right to give such partial situations to 
favourites 1 *' Or is the burthening the mass of 
a community with heavy taxes, to raise money 
so to give away, a less breach of right, than 
plunder i robberv, theit, or the taking from others 
02 



21 2 

by any means not sanctioned, by law? A 
are laws, enacted and sanctioned, to bestow 
partial favour in creating offices that are un- 
necessary and useless, in point of common good ; 
honestly justifiable? We say no! Laws, not 
applicably made to secure alike the common 
interests of mankind, in the distribution of equal 
rights ; are impure and overstretched violations, 
of the natural and improved rights, of the human 
species. And those persons who have the power 
to legislate, or manage the affairs of government 
in a country (whether kings, princes, nobles, or 
commoners) that do, without regard to equal 
rights, enforce partial unequal measures ; are 
violators of the just rights of mankind. And 
such, violations are the least justifiable, in a 
highly improved state of society — because rulers 
in such a state, are knowing in the art of govern- 
ment ; and are therefore, capable of distinguish- 
ing between right and wrong measures, as touch- 
ing the common welfare, the common interest 
of social compacts. But it is a lamentable fact, 
that few have been the legislators, that have 
regarded the general rights of improved com- 
munities! Legislators generally act the part of 
a lalse duty — in the unabating heat of merciless 

vindictiveness, generally pursue those, who dare 
be bold enough ; to expose their wrong doings. 
Their doings that come before the public — but 

hen— their secret intrigues who ean? We 



213 

:annot perceive the secret doings of intriguing 
legislators, who, to satisfy partial desire burthen 
the mass of a community, but we can see the 
misery they enforce. Nor can we think it right 
to strip the industrious of the best fruits of their 
labour, to disregard their complaints, and punish 
the poor enslaved hungry wretches, when so 
forced, for attempting to relieve themselves from 
the intolerant, the insufferable oppression of 
their rulers. And when a government without 
regard to common good, pushes into the path of 
extreme expense, the consequent result is sure 
to be sorely felt, by a suffering people. And 
while a community are suffering by such 
measures, a country *x section thereof, may, by 
the declaration of the oppressors be reported, to 
be in &■ rising state of prosperity. Often too 
often, is false report spread, purposely to deceive 
the mass of a community, as touching the base 
impositions -forced upon them; by. which re- 
ciprocal rights are destroyed and the poorest 
and others of the industrious working class, are 
pressed in tp unavoidable distress. This is a 
certainty that wilt invariably happen, where 
power treads the path of extreme expense, as 
in England. . There the rulers disdain to limit 
excess! When the rights of a people are basely 
"infringed, by the measures of violating power ; 
by the law of just rights, such violating power 
m as deserving of punishment, as the house- 



2H 

breaker, the shop-lifter, the highwayman, thepick^ 
pocket.— The legalized sanction of a govern- 
ment to levy taxes, is, when exercised to a 
regardless overbearing extent, in whatever shape 
viewed by the eye of just rights; found to be no 
less injurious to every individual stripped of 
property by taxation, than the taking from any,. 
o,r all the persons in a community the same 
amount by illegal robbery. Persons stripped of 
an equal amount of property, by different means, 
do not experience a difference \n the amount of 
loss. And legalized claims, are too often found 
to be as injurious as illegal robberies. Those 
persons that rob without a legal claim, depend 
on secrecy to insure safe escape ; but those per- 
sons that levy money by the power of legalized 
sanction, go in the face of clay and demand it^ 
and if not paid within a specified time, proceed* 
without further delay, to force payment by law 
process. When illegal robberies are contrasted 
with legalized claims ; and placed to the view in 
a way justly to behold those persons, that de- 
mand and take from others by the covering 
sanction of legal power, and those that rob 
without the covering powers of the law ; the 
superior claim to just rights, on the part of le- 
galized claims; will be found very trivial. The 
highwayman never stops a poor man to demand 
his money ; nor will the housebreaker enter the 
poor man's cottage to steal ; but the unfeeling 



215 

powers of authority acting under legalized taxa.~ 
tion do not hesitate to enter the hovels of the 
most; miserable poor, to demand more than is 
there to spare. And we do not hesitate in de« 
daring such arbitrary measures, to be of the 
worst of human evils. Because, to burthen the 
poor working people with taxes, is lamentably 
distressing! And those persons, who do of com- 
mon sense that share possess, which nature in 
her perfect order distributes, to the human spe- 
cies.; by exercising it with all the freedom of 
self right ; most clearly will behold many im- 
posing arts, purposely worked up to deceive the 
multitude. And in all the numerous variety of 
evils, seen in the bustle of a common round of 
dealing, we perceive a pressing force, to bear 
the poor man down to close labour, and obtain 
no more by slavish industry, than will barely 
support his iamily. To be held down to close 
labour and barely to obtain what nature craves, 
is .little to desire. Possessed oi his natural share 
of common sense, and exercising it with all ihe 
freedom that self powers independently contain, 
the honest labouring man wjjl clearly see, the 
evils him surround. iVnd so seeing, will behold ; 
that while he makes pure honesty his directing 
guide, he will remain a perfect man ; but will 
perceive, he in that state, by hard industry can 
little more obtain, than needful support. The 
honest man that is cast to such a state, by the 



216 

overbearing measures of his own species; aim 
has a numerous family of small children, is by 
oppression, and the close ties of duty to his 
family necessarily pressed into continual slavery ! 
For those persons, that are by any means, cast 
to such a lot, have seldom little more of time to 
spare from their daily employ, than while they 
eat their hard earned pittance of .food. And 
when forced, by oppressive measures to pass 
their days at close industry, little is the time 
they have to perform other necessary duty ; or 
to enjoy the pleasures of society." — The main 
part of the preceding, from the word, "Or,"' o\ cr 
marked with commas as here, is a repetition of 
parts o{ the quotation^ in the first part of this 
work, from Reflections on Civil Rule* &e. \V e 
cannot help it. — Our object is to expose evils* 
and in this and other parts of the work, the ex- 
posure, connected w4th other matter, unavoid^ 
ably comes forth imrepetition. It may be deemed 
an inexcusable fault ; but let us further say, 
cannot with feeling propriety help it.— Little ir. 
the hope experience brings in sucii a state! 
Therefore little the consolation! The man is 
cast to such a state, feels a hard lot! And when 
reflection works up the thinking powers of hie 
mind, by a strong impression forced ; he clearly 
sees that to his health, is hinged his main 
dependence ! And aptly is disturbed by the fear 
of sickness,, the -destroyer -of the poor man's 



217 

rtain means, to obtain the necessary sus* 
tenance, to support nature! And slavery ; and 
pinching poverty ; and deep and sore distress of 
body and mind ; are hard to bear! To be over- 
burlhened with work, by the unfeeling force 
exercised by oppressive power ; and for much 
labour little gain* "and to wantin sickness ; makes 
the lot of the poor honest, man, lamentably 
distressing!— Enough alas; to sink him down 
into the most deplorable depths of miserable 
despair!! 

When a man that of feeling sensibility is sus- 
ceptible, casts his sight On a well executed 
drawing, by which lamentable distress is repre^ 
sented ; he is touched, sorely touched ; by the 
impressive dart, that a piercing feeling strikes on 
his mind! But when distress is really seen, in 
the crowded throngs of cities and. towns, and 
also generally scattered in a country ^ by an 
heedless, regardless, extravagant and extremely 
everbearing power ; that governs the nation 
where so much misery is beheld, by the hardened 
grasp of pinching tyranny! — Who can speak 
the stroke feeling receives? On beholding the 
weighty, the lamentable force; that bears so 
many down to the lowest degree of abject 
misery; and seeing the real objects of distress; 
the mind that pity or compassionate feeling can 
touch, aptly becomes worked into the action of 
thinkings and wishing, to administer relief; but 



218 

perceives relief to be beyond the reach of pitying 
desire! — But what more? — The picture touches 
— works up a feeling sympathy! But— what? 
the real objects strike upon the mind, an in- 
expressible impression ! ! 

The next link to the hereditary powers in the 
British government, is the spiritual lords ; that 
serve as a glove to coyjer the state thumb and 
fingers. On believing them to be what they 
declare they are, we might admit .them to be 
great, good, and faithful stewards ; entrusted to 
manage the affair's of an invisible king, and also 
be his messengers of grace, and good will to- 
wards mankind. But to view them as they 
really are, is tp behold them to t)e the appointed 
servants, to a visible king, £o act in support of 
his government, with the temporal lords. And 
that, by the influencing interest derived front) 
emoluments of extreme amount, given by him 
to them, they are led to declare fc him the chosen 
favourite of the in visible king, to be anointed^ 
crowned, and throned 5 the sovereign ruler over 
the British nation. 

Can any person possessed ; of ,common sense^ 
and not fearful, nor negligent to make a free use 
thereof, so far as to clear the mind from preju- 
dice ; from all the .evils that education or com- 
mon stories might have impressed thereon ; from 
a comparison of their pretensions with their living 
conduct, admit the spiritual lords of England to. 



21S 

be consistent ? If directed in their spiritual con* 
cerns, by a spirit that impresses nothing on their 
minds, that would lead them intp modes of con? 
duct, that would display a want of upright duty, 
as touching needful good ; their conduct cer? 
tainly proves them to be false pretenders, or 
undutiful stewards, in the discharge of their spi- 
ritual trust But we will allow them, (distinctly 
considered as individuals, actuated by the force 
of education, and self interest,) all that can be 
allowed in their favour, under the impression o£ 
those views that have appeared before us, not at 
variance with truth nor with honest candour. 
Fairly to note, under the guidance of just obser- 
vation, our views, our remarks, our reflections, 
pn these reverend prelates; we will draw our 
lines with attentive care. We know they have 
been represented before the public, in various, 
forms of character, as touching false and delu- 
sive pretensions ; and while the combined influr 
ence, linked by imposing delusion, determined 
policy—by all that human craft can invent, to 
support erroneous power; can hold the reigns 
with a commanding hand, such a power will be 
l)e(d safely secure. But when a people begin to 
exercise their discerning powers, and clearly be- 
liold that they are governed by the combined 
means of overbearing and delusive policy ; effec- 
tually enforced by a variety of crafty and evil 
measures ; and become determined to remove 



220 

.he burthensome yokes, by which they arc 
unduly held subjected miserable slaves, such 
combined powers cannot long keep their hold, 
They will eventually be forced to quit the reins; 
so unjustly possessed, and held by their designing 
craft, by their base policy ! Separately consider- 
ed as individuals of one distinct order, we have 
promised to make every allowance that we con- 
sider possible, under the guidance of our honest 
conclusions, in favour of the reverend spiritual 
lords. For we know that they are pressed into 
the art cf pious delusion, by the influencing 
powers of education and self interest. Andvery 
influencing powers they are, by habit made. 
And when allowed to be extended, as in Eng- 
land, are by sad experience known to be insuf- 
ferable burthens, only useful in their assistance 
to enforce oppression ! Here the allowance rests, 
on the charge o( neglect in them, to take an im- 
partial view cf their profession, as spiritual lords; 
and temporal supporters of government; by 
which neglect they are held to the errors, that 
they are, by education taught to admit and be- 
lieve; and in their prelatcrial duty to support 
For if they do not remain grossly ignorant of the 
pious impositions, of which as bishops they are 
made the heads, these spiritualized guides, are 
certainly rendered subservient leaders to a false 
trust, by the influencing inducement that self in 
terest enforces. And on considering them to be 



22 r 

learned men, as they are declared ; we must con* 
dude they are made dishonest dealers in .duty a 
by self interested motives. How can honest 
truth, on beholding their pompous extravagant 
modes of living, and worthless conduct ; hold out 
a fair statement in justification of the lawn- 
sleeved lords in England, to public view, if we 
thought it necessary to present all our charges 
against them, our account would be long and 
heavy — but as the whole mass of the population 
|n England, (their underling labourers in the 
desk and pulpit and temporal associates in state 
policy excepted,) hold similar accounts against 
them, many volumes whereof have been publish- 
ed, and also sketches thereof in various periodi- 
cal publications^ we do not think it necessary 
to make out our full charge — but— consider — we 
may under guidance of the— what ? propriety 
declare. When men are by instruction, made 
fitly capable to impose on their fellow beings^ 
their delusive doctrines, their impetuous declama- 
tions, conclusively capped by appropriate denun- 
ciations ; workup as intended, an overbearing 
influence in their favour, in the minds of ignorant 
hearers. And they implicitly admit, what they 
are not capable to understand ; and much is said 
that the speakers know not to comprehend ; be- 
yond what education has made it to them to be. 
When fairly investigated by undesigning honesty,. 
will dark mysterious doctrines, set forth zs te 



222 

iecting guides to the progressive course through 
life; be found truly beneficial to an improved 
community. Hitherto experience lias, through 
the progress of improved society, continually 
demonstrated, that distressing overbearing ; de- 
ceitful back-biting; spiteful bickering; with a 
rUinous train of other evils - have been warmed 
Up by the imposing delusions, worked into action 
by the studied arts of mankind ; enforcing oppo- 
site opinions, to the extent of destroying the har- 
mony, peace, and good order of families^ neigh- 
bours, and nations. And such workings, have 
ever been encouraged by governments; and the 
favourite dealers in the mysterious divinities, have 
ever been enriched by pay bestowed, for their 
assisting aid as supporting props, to the ruling 
national powers ; and by long experience have 
been proved to be lamentable evils. And if his- 
tory speaks truth, they have ever been capable 
of exercising authoritative influence, over the 
major part of improved communities v , till their 
insatiable overbearing enforcements, have ren- 
dered them detestable. And such, and so, are 
the clergy of England. And their authorized 
privilege to exaggerate, is boundless, when poli- 
tically used in favour of government measures. 
For as expounders, ordained to the established 
clerical order, they are taught to understand that 
a fulfilment of duty, expects their endeavours to 
.promote the security of state policy^ in spiritual, 



223 

and ill temporal affairs. And so the main part 
of mankind are deceived, and by being so de- 
ceived, they are held satisfied dupes$ and sub* 
jected slaves. If men possessed of the power to 
direct the affairs of nations j strictly made the 
just, the equitable rights of mankind their direct- 
ing guides ; and confined their views to ways and 
means, necessary to promote common good, then 
common welfare, in all that is needful to make 
Comfortable abodes, would be generally found in 
every well conducted dwelling* This would be 
Certain, if the support of just rights was held se- 
cure, by the binding and strictly observed powers 
of just laws ; and nations would display general 
prosperity, in the continued enjoyment of com- 
mon rights. And certain relief from misery 
would raise the distressed, to the enjoyment of 
all that is needful, to make life comfortable ; and 
the blessings of welcome happiness, would then 
drive misery fiom the dwellings of the oppressed 
multitudes, now lingering through existence, in 
nations that are governed by evil rulers. 

To those [readers who know themselves as 
human beings and no more, nor less, the above 
remarks will appear possible to be practically 
made good, by the directing guides, through the 
progress of improved society, faithfully exercising 
the power of their trust. And those that do not 
admit them, we would advise to learn to know 
themselves ; and that truly and fully accom- 



pushed (which rightly pursued is easy to at: 
they would know how to regulate their conduct, 
to effect good ; and also, as in duty bound to- 
wards others ; and knowing these important 
duties, in a fair and true light, they would 
know how to admit our reflective remarks. We 
do not know of any evil, that has worked 
more baneful ills in improved society, than that 
of mysterious arts, exercised under the name 
religion. According to historical accounts, re- 
ligion has ever been the most fast fixed handle 
to tyrant rule. And by all our endeavours tc 
know w r hat it really is, at the present — by 
reading, observation— by alt that we, by our 
oower to understand, have learned to know, 
through the assisting aid of our most clear per- 
ceptibility; very little is all we feel as right to 
say, in favour of practical religion. As touch- 
ing the moral tendency of religion, much is said, 
much is written in its favour, as the best leading 
means to keep up good order,, in improved so- 
ciety. If placed on a contrast scale, in opposi- 
tion to all the ills by it produced •, we are ltd to, 
think, the moral good worked up by religion, 
would be found much too light, in the bearing 
proportion of balance. But we will fairly allow 
a just claim, to all the moral good is by religion 
done ; and on that fair allowance we feel a just 
right, to demand a fair answer to the following 
question. Would it not be possible by the de- 



225 

iivery of an orderly course of moral lectures, 
every seventh d?y and by occasional remarks 
on existing evik, in the surrounding vicinity to 
the places, v^iere the meetings for that purpose 
were respectively held, with [appropriate singing 
and music between the discourses, to effect as 
much (or more) towards drawing mankind into 
the path of moral rectitude, as is effected by the 
illusive forms, and dark sentences variously held 
forth in praying and preaching up incomprehen- 
sible mystery? 

We behold the aristocracy and the clergy, as 
the most baneful of all the evils, with which the 
people of England are beset. In all improved 
communities, men of similar orders have es- 
tablished, as secure as it has been possible, by 
the enforcement of every studied design ; similar 
exclusive advantages to themselves ; but never 
have overbearing measures, been more fully en- 
forced in any country, than they now are in 
England. And seldom have the ears of oppres- 
sors, been so determined to remain deaf, to the 
legal prayers of a distressed people. When 
couched in the most humble submissive terms, 
that meaning language could contain ; their peti- 
tioning prayers for a mitigation of sore oppres- 
sive evils, have been disregarded. And beheld 
as the first, the most commanding lever of power 
in the government, the aristocracy is, by us per- 
ceived to be, the greatest political evil. The 



22fc 

clergy as a dependent body for preferment, to 
valuable livings, are not (individually considered) 
so securely absolute, before the attainment, as 
the hereditary aristocracy, and are, after inves- 
titution, under the influencing force oJ obligatory 
impressions ; and by that force are hold sub- 
jected tools, to head the work of blindness, in 
the harvest ground of mysterious divinity, by 
which they gain plentiful crops. The regard of 
cither of these orders, towards the common wel- 
fare of the people is little. Self interest and 
self security, are the directing guides to the 
aristocracy in passing laws ; and to the bishops 
and other clergy, similar objects seem to be the 
most desirable. What care have the English 
lords towards the people's good? To force the 
farmers to pay high rents, which to raise they 
must have a high price for their produce. What 
care have the bishops and other clergy, towards 
the people's good. To strip the farmers, and all 
others in their dioceses and parishes, by various 
exactions raised by usage and grants of partial 
laws ; that have long been known by sad ex- 
perience, to be distressing evils. And if the 
farmers are barely able to pay their rents, to the 
lordly proprietors of their farms, which is now 
very commonly become more than they can 
do ; the lordly parson does not regard that, his 
tithe and other taxes he will have. And many 
tithe farmers are burthened with the poor rates, 



227 

arid government taxes saddled upon them by 
the insatiable owners. For by all that we know 
of these laws, it appears to us that the intention 
thereof, originally pointed out the necessity, of 
confining the modes of raising the needful sup- 
plies, for those purposes; by assessed rates upon 
land, as charges upon the partial grants, be- 
stowed by those kings that swayed absolute 
power, to their favourites and confidential sup- 
porters And so by the lords of the soil, and the 
spiritualising priests, the farmers are now be- 
come barely able, to retain of the produce of 
the land they occupy, enough to support their 
families. And their hired labourers are reduced 
to wretchedness! To the lowest state of pitiable 
misery! Such is the condition, to which the 
most worthy, the most useful part of the com- 
munity in England is now reduced. And while 
oppression has been bearing them down, the 
national rulers, civil and religious, have been 
rising in the increase of boundless, needless, 
wealth. And the annual income to many of 
-them, is now so great, that the increase of un- 
easy care, and perplexing troubles to find means, 
to convince others of their rank, how capable 
they are to invent, to spend; have rendered 
them discontented restless beings ; dashing from 
place to place, to find comfort, attended by nil 
that fashionable and fancied pomp can famish ! 
But it is far beyond the reach of our po-.vers. to 
P2 



"228 

i represent the childish folly, that is displayed in 
the foolish pride exhibited in gaudy livery dres- 
ses, and all other trappings invented to satisfy, 
as far as possible, the desires of those, who, to 
judge them by what they produce and do ; never 
aimed to work up common good. And then 
on beholding the country houses (seats to 
distinguish) that many of them have, so exten- 
sive in buildings, gardens, and pleasure grounds, 
raised and fixed at enormous expenses, and re- 
quiring large continued expenses to support; 
may all appear well, good, and desirable to the 
sight. But by a due consideration, pressed on 
the mind by close enquiry, how the means are 
raised to establish, and support so many seats, 
and all around them, at so vast a cost as is ne- 
cessary, to keep all parts in good order ; it will 
be plainly seen, that the means to establish, and 
keep up so much unnecessary, and absolutely 
needless fancy work, the thousand are unjustly 
burthened by the few. And it will be also 
seen, that the main study of those few has ever 
been, and to an extent that is not justifiably suf- 
ferable, is now stretched, to enforce means to 
raise supplies, to satisfy as far as possible, their 
boundless desires. For they are not content 
with comfortable abodes ; to lavish away in 
needless expense, what comes to them by un- 
justifiable means, is their leading study. And 
when that cannot be done by all the excessive 



.229 

expense, that is laid out on one establishment in ; 
the country, another is erected or purchased ; 
and many of extremely overabundantly rich 
nobility and gentry, have several country seats, 
and one public town-house in London ; with as 
many private ones as desire may find necessary. 
On beholding the extensive establishments of 
the aristocracy in England, and expensive modes 
of managing those establishments ; and con- 
sidering closely the means, by which they or 
their ancestry, have been established in the con- 
tinued enjoyment of those possessions ; and also 
beholding the means, by which the working 
people obtain their scanty support ; and drawing 
a comparative view of the extreme situations, to 
which the two orders are cast! Oh how ex- 
treme the difference beheld I The one receiving 
an overabundant income, without endeavouring ; 
for that received ! The other at the best, by 
hard industry, obtaining little more than barely 
to supply living wants ;^and often not enough ? 
We are led to draw the conclusion — that a 
country in which such extreme differences are- 
made, or allowed ; cannot be truly said, to be 
under a good form of government. Such an 
overgrown stream, of overpowering riches, as 
that is by oppression and slavery, drawn to the 
banked lodges, prepared by those who pretend 
to labour at close study, to promote common 
good, and national prosperity ; speaks in the dis- 



230 

play, a visible contradiction to the pretence. 
Mow can common good come by oppressive 
selfishness? Or, how can general prosperity be 
secured to a nation, by extreme partiality? Do 
not just laws demand equitable measures? Do 
the laws in England secure equitable rights to 
the people? Are the means required in Eng- 
land, to qualify persons for national representa- 
tion, justifiably equitable? Are the ruling pow- 
ers in England, less despotic than a government 
headed by one absolute ruler? 

We cannot perceive how the temporal rulers, 
and spiritual pastors in England, can be honest 
in their pretensions; when they tell the peo- 
ple in their proclamations, speeches, sermons 
&c.,— that they must quietly submit to their 
measures, and directing councils. Because say 
they, all that we advise and order to be done, is 
advised and ordered by a strict enquiry, into the 
state of the nation, as touching the security and 
posterity, in internal and external affairs ; and 
treaties with other nations. That for the good 
of the nation, all they do is done by the de- 
liberate direction, of their superior wisdom. 
That they regret the partial distress, felt, 
&c. &/\ &c. — Fine blown expressions indeed! 
But do the measures they enforce, hold out the 
proof of a desire to promote common good? If 
overgrown excess, in the expenses of govern- 
ment; if overgrown excess in the expenses of 



231 

the bishops; and other denominations of tho 
clergy, that receive high pay ; and pressing dis- 
tress imposed on the working people, to procure 
the necessary means ; to support those extreme 
excesses, are demonstrable proofs of prosperity, 
and general good ; England is highly blessed in 
the possession of those leading means! But 
who, that fully beholds the state of the people in 
England, with a clear eye; can admit that to 
be seen as declared to be, when plainly seen 
not to be so? If the dignity of the crown ; the 
honours of the nobility ; and meet respect to the 
dignified clergy; cannot be supported without 
burthening the people, to maintain the expenses 
of those extreme modes of living, that are now 
become much too extravagant, and the numbers 
increased beyond needful want ; without forcing 
on the producers oppiessive burthens; do not 
the just laws of mutual right, allow the op- 
pressed to demand, and insist to force a mitiga- 
tion of such wrongs? Plenty— more than enough, 
io supply to all the people in England, all that 
is necessary for their support, and comfortable 
convenience, is produced. But the producers 
of that plenty, are, by wrong measures of govern- 
ment, and various other wrongs on them im- 
posed ; so close stripped of the value of their 
labour, as to render it impossible, by all the 
means in their power, to maintain a full supply 
pf all necessary wants, in their families. And 



232 

:<an the circumstances, the condition &c, of the 
industrious poor, be inevitably so rendered 
where genuine measures hold all right; by 
placing on the helm of state a steady hand, and 
on every occasion requiring a change of position, 
giving it a proper and justly equitable turn? 
What benefit does society receive, from that 
dignified crowned head, those ennobled honour- 
able heads, and the heads of the ecclesiastical 
dignitaries ; to be forced to support their bound 
less extravagance? Do their public services 
justly gain them respect and rewards? Do their 
modes of living, and obtaining the means so to 
live, speak them worthy of their trust? And 
can that which is unjustifiably obtained by the 
abuse of power, in forcing upon a people op- 
pressive burthens, by honest truth be proclaimed 
right? We say no. And why not? Because 
the power is not justly right, that admits oppres- 
sive practices, and enacts partial laws. This 
fact we have often repeated, and in various and 
similar ways, as pressed on the mind ; by the 
force in common appearances, and practices. 
So, the same. ideas arise from various causes, 
and consequently work out similar conclusions. 
Different views may change the mode of ex- 
pression; but when conclusions are clearly 
drawn, the ideas and sentiments set forth, on 
similar subjects or objects, will in the purport 
appear similar. These remarks are the result 



233 : 

of an accident of mind, suddenly worked up by 
a thought, that the tram of ideas, the then 
present endeavours of my mind ; had before 
been noted with my pen. Determined if pos- 
sible, to find the proof, I began the research; 
and found it on the two last pages of the pam- 
phlet on Civil Rule ; from which there is a quo- 
tation in a former part of this work. So similar 
to the endeavours before me, is the work there 
done, that I determined to copy it ; for it contains 
the views in point. — 

" However viewed, we find absolute effects, 
produced by absolute causes; whether under 
the head of general or particular remarks, or by 
demonstrable proofs, given in general maxims. 

" By experience mankind have found, that all 
that has a tendency to promote genuine improve- 
ment, produces common good ; and all that has 
a tendency to produce public burthens, becomes 
a common evil For as the lever acts, so will 
its force preponderate, and when the ascendant 
end is elevated too high, the low or falling end 
becomes depressed, till sunk below its bearing. 

" Civil rule, established by a well regulated 
order, will draw every member of a community, 
either by choice or necessity^ to a moderate 
degree of industry. And while the scales of re- 
ciprocal advantage, are held to the just balance- 
by a right poize, every member of a society holds 
secure, the fruits of self industry, the rightful i 



234 

reward of labour. And the scales may be turned, 
to raise a few to a moderate elevation, and not 
press on the multitude an overbearing burthen. 
All in our genuine motto, is equal rights. But 
when one end of the scales is depressed, to its 
lowest point of bearing, and more weight is 
added, oppressive misery, will certainly be found 
to prevail over the multitude, placed thereon. 

" While common advantage is held as a direct- 
ing guide to power, a prosperous result will be 
found to arise to a community, but overbearing 
oppression, 1 say again, and again, produces 
misery." 

Our views of improved society, do not draw 
us to conclude, that all mankind cim be a like 
circumstanced; for, by observation we have 
clearly perceived, that there is much difference 
in their ways and propensities, when pressed into 
active exertion. This is continually made de- 
monstrably clear, by the progressive course 
of proceedings, through ttye passing business, 
through general intercourse. And under the 
most pure practice of the most perfect laws, that 
human wisdom could devise, to enforce equal 
rights; under the most just, the most honest 
observance thereof; a difference in the conduct 
and economy of mankind would (and that most 
justly) certainly make a difference in circum- 
stances. But no person would be injured, nor 
.would the security of the common rights of a 



235 

community be endangered; by the difference ire 
circumstances, occasioned by a difference of in- 
dustry and management. Because a difference 
in circumstances, effected by a difference in self 
exertion and management, and alike free from 
any imposing means, to gain by taking profitable 
advantage of others, would be wrought by self 
means. — Our views of improved society, draw 
us to conclude, that equitable laws, that would 
by their just enforcing powers, bind every able 
bodied person in a community, to endeavour for 
self support in some way useful to self or family, 
and not injurious to the community ; nor to any 
member thereof, are necessary. And by close 
observation we are also led to conclude ; that a 
due observance of such directing laws, ought to 
be strictly enforced. Laws to enforce such 
rules, on those who are by any means, secured 
to obtain support without providing it by labour; 
would be sufficient to effect all would be need- 
ful, to obtain all needful supplies, if all performed 
their needful duty ; and are an indisputable right, 
in the demand of the community, in the demand 
of common good, in the demand of the equitable 
rights of mankind. Because, when by suffer- 
ance or any other means, the needful labour to 
procure general support, is pressed upon those 
who are, by those means forced to labour; they 
are necessarily forced to labour to maintain 
flfchose, are supported without labouring, for that 



. 236 

maintenance tlicy receive. Against such mea- 
sures, by whatever means enforced, we set up 
our fixed protest! Because, we cannot perceive 
in them, any the least justice ; any the least 
equitable honesty ; any the least of any of the 
equal rights of mankind. And are measures so 
opposite to the equal rights of mankind, to the 
genuine direction of reason, in accordance with 
the genuine well being of improved society? We 
say not. — And why? Because they draw the 
many into the links of subjected slavery, to the 
lew, and exalt the few above themselves. And 
would laws to enforce all mankind to labour for 
self support, be in accordance with the genuine 
well being of improved society? We say they 
would. — And why? Because all mankind would, 
by the benefit of equal laws, obtain equal rights ; 
and any difference that arose in circumstances 
would be caused by a difference in industry and 
management. And that so justly obtained would 
not be obtained by any means at variance with 
the just rights of improved society; but in ac- 
cordance with the rules of all mankind doing to 
others as they wish others to do to them. And 
such laws strictly enforced, would prevent the 
raising an extreme difference in the ranks of 
improved society ; because property not raised 
by industry, could not be securely made legal 
property, if property otherwise created was held 
to be illegal. So all would be forced to work 



237 

for self support. Primogeniture laws are the 
sources whence all other evils arise, that flow 
into the ranks of improved society ; and trickle 
by various turns into every order, till multiplied 
to a magnitude, beyond what the mass of man- 
kind are capable to beai% And the twenty last 
years of the eighteenth century of common era, 
and the thirty past years of this nineteenth cen- 
tury ; have, by the overbearing measures en- 
forced by aristocratic influence, aided by the 
assisting influence of the clergy, with other 
strengthening means ; wrought up a change in 
the condition of the people in England, that has 
effectually worked, to outstrip the common 
course of changes, in the condition of improved 
communities. This will be wrought out de- 
monstrably clear, when fairly considered by a 
steady survey, comparatively traced in the meet 
paths of history .--And millions of distressed hu- 
man evidences, display the existing facts, in their 
passing course of misery and slavery through the 
paths of life; and are reduced to that wretched 
state, by various overbearing means, arbitrarily 
enforced, and artfully supported. And the clear 
proof of such overbearing means, is strengthened, 
yea fully manifested, in the display of extreme 
excess, so variously set forth in the expensive 
doings, of the governing powers of all that hold 
rank above the producers, the labourers, who 
supply to them the means of excess, the more 



23S 

lhan needful wants. And spite of all that may 
be said to the contrary, the burthened producers 
are the main supporting pillars to society. In 
whatever shape we fairly consider the difference, 
that ever has been, and is wrought, between 
those that receive support, and more than sup- 
port, from the proceeds of other people's labour, 
and the labouring producers ; we are (by all the 
variety of views and conclusions, into which we 
are drawn by all the various turns) led to con* 
elude, that the real producers of all that is purely 
beneficial to improved purposes, for the commoa 
good of mankind, are, by falsehood, by injustice, 
by all that imposing art can contrive to enforce, 
delusively held subjected slaves. And by care- 
fully perusing historical accounts, of the past ; 
and beholding mankind as they are, and freely 
exercising the reflective powers ; on the proba- 
bility of truth; on the leading points in history ; 
on the acts of governments as touching the com- 
mon rights of mankind ; and on existing facts; a 
sameness in the conclusive points, that terminate 
consequent results, will be found certain and 
satisfactory, by the proofs given in the points of 
clear demonstration : to every person so labour- 
ing to demonstrate the causes and effects of past 
and existing evils. By every rule set out on the 
past, that we have drawn to a conclusive point, 
we have found a clear termination; and the 
truth of the passing stream of evils that now 



23$ 

trouble improved society, by forced arid cra% 
wrongs; we clearly know by self experience 
and observation. 

The next order in the links of improved society 9 
to which we would draw the reflective attention 
of the reader, is, the commons house of parlia- 
ment; an elected legislative body, delusively re- 
ported the people's representatives. For, (as are 
the branches of government before noticed,) they 
are accumulators of, (and supporters and guar- 
dian protectors to,) property falsely created, by 
the directing guidance of artful craft, worked into 
action by imposing measures ; and Tield by im- 
posing powers, given by created rights, that press 
the common rights of mankind, beyond the 
bounds of rightful bearing. And such overbear- 
ing rights, are to such commoners secured by 
law ! — And by being so privileged, they are se- 
cured in property, to the right of being elected to 
membership, in the commons house of parlia- 
ment. — And many of the members of the com- 
mons house, hold the imposing right to such pos- 
sessions, by hereditary entail ; and rights so held, 
give hereditary security to the male heir, to pro- 
perty so secured by entail, to become the pos- 
sessor. And commoners so secured, are only 
snferior to the hereditary peers* in honorary titles, 
and hereditary legislative rights. And heredi- 
tary rights to land, secured in any way, ever have 
been, and ever will be felt, to be common evil?, 



240 

r>y the common inhabitants of those counin 
where such rights are made allowable by estab- 
. lished laws. And where such laws are establish- 
ed, under the specious covering of a mixed cloak, 
as in England ; and as there linked in one dis- 
tinct chain, that has been worked to hold fast in 
all its parts, an exclusive right in property to 
exercise governing duty, the consequent effects 
worked up in the respective orders, by such exclu- 
sive rights, will eventually ever be found certain, 
to work up a subversion of those equitable rights, 
to which all mankind are legitimate heirs. And 
the members of the representative branch of the 
British legislature, when fairly beheld, and closely 
observed in their doings, are perceived to be no 
more than shaving tools, exercising the arts of 
political juggle, suitable to finish the cabinet- 
planned acts, as directed by the advice, set forth ■ 
in the conclusive decisions of the secret national 
council. I^or can we, by the full aid of our dis- 
cerning powers, perceive them to be aught more 
than active tools, employed to raise law edifices; 
reared in such acts of political workmanship, as 
will meetly secure the fulfilment of the conclu- 
sive plans, laid out by the close deliberations of 
the secret council. And if the building was well 
founded, it must have received an extreme 
change ; for as it now is, in the appearance of 
facts displayed by its works, boundless extrava- 
gant pomp, useless excess. &c, are perceived on 



2'41 

one side ; and miserable decay, producing ne- 
glected ruin, is visible on the other side. And 
can an edifice, holding out such opposite ex- 
tremes in the appearance, be truly declared to 
be justly proportioned in the construction, or to 
be attended with equitable care? One side of 
such an edifice may boast of beauty, improve- 
ment, &c. &x. — But, basely mean will such 
boasting appear, where the just complaints of 
the neglected, injured part of a national edifice, 
are honestly admitted, to be needfully wanting 
meet security, against the force of such imposed 
wrongs! And the neglected, the injured part of 
the edifice when so secured, will rise to that 
rank in appearance and respect, and receive 
protection against the imposing attempts, that 
the other part of the edifice may again make (to 
reduce it to its former state of ruinous decay) 
necessary to secure it against those attempts.— 
But who alas; can tell or count the many evils 
that the poor oppressed puople in England are 
compelled to bear? — Readers — impartially trace 
the measures and proceedings, of the governing 
powers in England, during the last fifty years ; 
and you will find the results of those evil mea- 
sures and proceedings, now visibly displayed, in 
the distressed circumstances of the industrious 
poor! 

Where property is necessary, to the amount 
of six hundred pounds per annum to qualify 

a 



242 ' 

shire members, and five hundred to qualify 
borough members, for seats in Parliament, as in 
England ; the representative branch of the legis- 
lature, is far from being a pure representative 
chosen body, to protect the people's rights. 
And why not the representatives of the people ? 
Because, by the exclusive law of qualification, 
members are made the exclusive representatives 
of property, by laws, made to hold it fixed an 
exclusive right, on the part of property, to sway 
legislative power. And an exclusive right, so 
established, deprives honest capability, of the 
right to legislative power ; and the necessary 
qualification cannot be possessed, by more than 
a small part of the community, Are such rights 
aught but a despotism of power? When capable 
honesty, is deprived the right to represent a 
people in the legislative body, by lack of pro- 
perty, in a country of boasted free rights^ such 
defect speaks contradiction to the boasting;. For 
by the rules of strict honesty the possession is 
not attainable. 

What a vast political edifice, is set forth by 
the doings of the cabinet architects, in the British 
government — was it possible to view or ken 
the whole ! To behold in thoueht monstrous are 
the doings! Wondrous is the art of doing! By 
reasonable thought would seem impossible! By 
facts is proved possible! By a vast combination 
of artful measures, is held secure ; and may con 



243 '• ■ 

tin lie to be safely held secure; till art becomes 
more clearly perceived, by discerning know- 
ledge. And when that comes to be, which cer- 
tainly will be, where education is, by one com- 
mon rule, made clear. Then an artful overbear- 
ing power, will terminate. For when a sound 
understanding of general extent, comes in regu- 
lar array, against artful policy, and determined 
to remove the burthen, imposed by such policy, 
artful power must cease to be. And in a gene- 
ral sound education, 5 and the pure liberty of 
the press, the needful knowledge to obtain, and 
hold secure their just rights, will be possessed by 
the British community. Then^ as sure as snow 
is white, the deep black fabric, will gradually 
decay, or be forced down, by dread ruin. 

When the revolution in France had deprived 
Louis the sixteenth of absolute power, and 
finally of life by public execution; -the -continent 
of Europe became the ground of bloody hostility, 
in which the. British government took a leading 
part ; by which they involved the country in 
enormous expenses. And to raise supplies to 
meet those expenses, imposed oppressive taxes ; 
and duties became so general that few were 
the articles (whether of real utility or superva- 
caneous) that were entirely free from imposed 
burthens. The prime state mover of that time, 
was a man of high political capability ; and 
could successfully exercise those influencing 



244 

I powers, of customary need, to draw forth grants 
. of the necessary supplies, to support his schemes 
in measures of state policy. And he became 
so high a favourite, in the estimations of property 
holders, and their dupes, as to be by them ex- 
tollingly named, a the heaven born minister!" 
But very little has been that produced, in the 
practical proof of his political measures, that 
genuine government would require, or could 
admit. Genuine government, to stand unpol- 
luted, must hold the general welfare of the com- 
munity in view ; and not enforce measures, to 
draw the multitude into wretchedness; into un- 
clean misery, and slavish want, to raise the few 
r to an overneedful state of excess. But Me hea- 
ven-born minister, held out little, that has been 
found by tried practice, to work out good to the 
community. He beheld property as a fast 
anchor to his schemes; and considered it as 
the most certain source, to supply the expensive 
wants, that his vast extensive designs would 
demand. He saw in the national debt, a vast 
fund of created property, established upon na- 
tional credit. And as a source of certain supply, 
to the vast wants of his extensive schemes, he 
turned his attention to the accumulation of the 
national debt. When he had fixed on that 
created fountain, that non-producing fountain 
of imposing wrongs, as the source the least ex. 
haustible, he knew it was necessary to secure 



245 

national confidence, and the necessary means -to ! 
gain that confidence, worked up the desired in-' 
fluence over property holders. And he spared 
not. — But he had by his father (who knew from 
experience as a statesman) been taught to 
know, much of the art of governing policy. 
And as others had before done, he perceived 
that a bare dependence on supplies, furnished 
by national credit, would destroy the means, in 
the failure of the credit, should that happen, 
And to keep the national credit good, he also 
knew, was a scheme of financial policy, that 
was as necessary as that of raising needful sup- 
plies. And to secure the necessary means, he 
forced every possihle measure into action. And 
a degree of successful enterprise, and persevering 
industry, that never was exceeded, and seldom 
equalled by the people of. any nation, was 
pressed into operation by his measures. And 
many useful inventions, to facilitate and expedite 
work, were put in successful operation. — The 
people performed a laudable duty. — Much more 
than was needful, to supply every moderate ex- 
cess of government, and better their own con- 
dition, if improving their condition, had been an 
intentional desires in the views of the heaven 
born minister. But if at all desirable with him, , 
the bettering the people's condition, his measures 
did not hold out a favourable calculation, tor 
wards the enjoyment, of, a blessing so .desirable; 



246 

of a national good so valuable! The people we 
have before declared, to have done more than 
was needful on their part, to better their con- 
dition ; and give the necessary supply to govern- 
ment, to defray, the expenses of moderate ex- 
cess. That is the fundamental, the producing 
source, whence flow all real means, furnished 
an overswimmmg supply, for any, and every 
/use, to serve more than moderate purposes. 
For, in spite of all that may be said to the con- 
trary, the industrious producers of what is need- 
ful and useful, for the support and convenience 
of mankind, are the main pillars to improved 
society. And any measures enforced by a go- 
vernment, and persisted in that reduce the in- 
dustrious to a state of want, are absolute viola- 
lions of just right. But just right was very trivial, 
as an object of desire, with the heaven born 
minister^ To distinguish real from imaginary 
good, might be with him an object of study; but 
he never brought forward any measure, in his 
ways and means* that was devised by calcula- 
tions founded on principles of economy ; on 
principles to promote mutual happiness, by the 
means of a general prosperity and reciprocal 
advantage. All that has appeared, from the 
practical results of his measures, stands against 
him in evidence strong, that goes far towards a 
full proof, that he was led by his political views, 
to think, that his duty did not bind him to regard 



" 247 

common good. And what he directed to be 
done, gave to the discerning people of all na- 
tions to whom his policy was known, proofs 
most clear, that extreme views were the leading- 
guides to all his measures; and that he had 
fixed on a settled determination, to pursue a 
course for the performance of mighty works, in 
the progress of war, commerce, manufactures — 
in all that had a tendency to work into action, 
enterprise, and resolute perseverance, in all that 
had a tendency to subject the many to the kw. 
To enforce the war, he interfered in the internal 
affairs of a nation, in which he had not any the 
least just right, to become a voluntary meddler, 
beyond a wish to effect an amicable settlement 
of serious differences. For he Was the premier 
in the administration, that formed a belligerant 
coalition with other European powers, again to 
draw the people in France to become subjected 
to absolute authority ; to force them to an ob- 
sequious compliance, with the measures of ar- 
bitrary power. And by that he laid a national 
foundation, on which to raise mighty works in 
the business of war. And he pressed into action 
the spirit of enterprise in commercial intercourse, 
and by that means the demand from foreign 
markets, for British manufactured goods, be- 
came increased to an abundant extent. For 
l inventions and improvements in machinery, 
'to facilitate — expedite work, and improve the 



248 

quality of the goods made from various material? , 
were then become objects of general attention, 
in every manufacturing department of the nation. 
Beholding, as he probably did, under those ad- 
vantageous circumstances, in which commerce 
and manufactures were placed, sources, capable 
to supply very important support to his vast 
scheme of national expense, he did not delay 
the enforcement of the means, by which he per- 
ceived it was possible, to turn those sources into 
the channel of aid, to his weighty national ex- 
penses. And in the means he worked into 
action, by his deep fetched schemes, to raise 
supplies he found' the aid to surpass his ex- 
pectation. And the fact thereby became de- 
monstrably clear to him, that enterprising mer- 
chants and diligent manufacturers, gave to the 
nation an ascendent advantage over other na- 
tions, in the increase of riches. And ostentatious 
display, luxury — ail that debasing refinement 
can enforce, by all its attendent evils, rapid- 
ly increased! And he secured, by all that a 
protecting powerful fleet, and severe laws 
could enforce, the rising prosperity of the grow- 
ing evils, that were become very numerous, 
and rapidly increasing by, the aiding means, 
that arose from the profits of commerce and 
manufactures. 

Can a mind subjected to the guidance of 
equanimity, and possessed of sound understand- 



249 

Jng, feel satisfaction in the beholding such ex- 
tremes ? Extremes ever did, and ever will, pro- 
duce evils; and the consequent evils produced by 
those extremes, enforced; by the heaven-bor?t 
minister, are now sorely felt,, by the oppressed, 
poor, industrious people, in England. And the 
poor enslaved people, of the other parts of the 
united kingdom, feel the distressing pressure of 
the many overbearing extremes, worked up to 
vast excess, by his forcing means. That he con- 
sidered his official duty, to hold him bound to the 
performance of the chief arrangement, of a mighty 
national work of war measures in the cabinet ; 
and to devise how to raise the heedful means, 
without regard to common good, appears evi- 
dent, by the measures he enforced. Directed by 
the pressing force of such views, worked up by 
the aspect of the passing time, he pushed into 
action hazardous schemes, of so vast a magni- 
tude, as few wise calculators of future conse- 
quences, if directed by honest desire towards the 
promotion of common good, would have dared to 
attempt. But various appearances were alter- 
nately set forth, in the aspects of passing events. 
Impressed by delusive hope, the gloomcast upon 
the countenances of the oppressed poor, was at 
times dispelled, by the news of victories obtain- 
ed ; in the expectation, that their condition would 
become bettered, by such events. But from mea- 
sures of extreme excess, good to those, whose 



250 

welfare is not regarded by national rulers, is sel- 
dom found to arise — never — we might truly say. 
And this truth is fully verified, in the present 
state of the labouring class, in tiie ranks of the 
British community. For the present condition 
of the industrious people in that nation, is a con- 
sequence of the evil measures, enforced and es- 
tablished, by the administration, headed by the 
heaven-born minister. To furnish means to de- 
fray the expenses of his boundless measures, he 
forced the bearing proportions, necessary to keep 
society right, far adrift from the needful course ! 
And by the policy of his administration, various 
weighty burthens were imposed on the people, 
and means were devised and enforced, to raise 
the price of the products of the land. And by 
the enforcement thereof, land proprietors became 
secured, to the obtainable return of the burthens 
imposed upon them, by direct taxation. And by 
such deep-fetched financial policy, the collection 
of heavy taxes is as fully secured to a govern- 
ment, as probability can devise, to make certain 
any measure to be enforced. For by such policy, 
those on whom the burthens . are directly im- 
posed, are rendered secure to a return of the 
direct taxation imposed upon them, by the obtain- 
ing higher prices for their produce, and more rent 
for their lands. And in England, the burthens 
directly imposed on property, were indirectly 
passed, (as is much too common for common 



251 

good to the community, in all improved -coun- 
tries,) to be borne by the industrious part of 
society. And now behold ; what has been effect- 
ed in that country, in half a century, by the over- 
bearing policy of the heaven-born minister's ad- 
ministration ! But — is it within the reach of 
words to represent, to contrast the difference ? 
No ! Is it within the reach of the pencil ? No ! 
The work of the pencil, may set forth a striking 
picture of distress ; but the misery, the wretched- 
ness — into which the millions are pressed, by the 
measures of base rulers ; who can pourtray ? 
The people then working at manufacturing em- 
ployments, enjoyed the liberty, to which by natu- 
ral, and justly improved rights, all mankind will 
remain to hold self claim — the right, not to be 
forced by any means at variance with equitable 
rights, under the control of others, while perform- 
ing the work, necessary to provide needful sup- 
port ; keep comfortable habitations, and maintain 
decent dress. But they are now stripped of that 
liberty, by the overbearing means enforced, by 
manufacturing monopolists, who keep them in 
close confinement, during working time. And 
in many, too many of the manufacturing jails, 
that time is so long, that little is the time the poor 
confined work people have to spare, when libe- 
rated, beside what is necessary for sleep. And 
by improvements in machinery, and the mono- 
poly that has arisen by those improvements, and 



252 

the extreme working time imposed on the work 
people, by their employers ; an over-abundant 
quantity of goods are manufactured ; with which 
the markets are become overstocked ; and em- 
ployment has become slack, and wages too much 
reduced. And thousands of the working poor 
are thereby reduced to want! And those that 
have full employ, are subjected slaves to abso- 
lute rules, of a most extreme overbearing cast 
Not so before colossal factories were raised. 
Till then the working people chiefly did their 
work at their homes, under the roofs of their 
dwellings, and were not subjected to any over- 
bearing rules. Till then they enjoyed the bles- 
sings of legal liberty, to command themselves in 
the performance of the necessary work, to supply 
all needful wants, for the maintenance of their 
families, and to provide sufficient supplies of all 
things wanted, to secure cleanness, to their per- 
sons, and in their houses. A full and clear com- 
parison, fairly setting forth the state of the work- 
ing people, in the manufacturing departments in 
England at that time, and at the present time, 
will invariably establish the conclusion ; that they 
were then in possession of self liberty, in their 
working duties ; and that they are now subjected 
slaves, in the performance of those duties. And 
by the extensive introduction into use, of water 
and steam power machinery, and the monoply of 
manufactures created by the use of such machi* 



253 

i ftery, the poor work people have been pressed 
> into a change of condition not to be wished. — ■ 
Nor did the evils of misery, distress — rest on the 
work people employed in factories. They were 
extended, to almost every branch of handy, 
and laborious work. But measures have, from 
time to time, been worked into action by govern- 
ment policy, that have cheered the people with 
the hope of lessening their misery. But alas ! 
where was sincerity — What a picture would the 
whole present ! And who is possessed of the 
capability to draw it ! All the burthens were 
continued, in the pressing means to settle on 
industry. Misfortunes may press casual, un- 
welcome distress, on the land owner, the trader, 
the employer — but it is on the working, labo- 
rious, industrious part of the community alone, 
that general burthens and distress are pressed ! 
This is a, lamentable fact, proved in woeful expe- 
rience, by millions of the oppressed poor in Eng- 
land ! Security of the means to meet all imposed 
burthens,over and above common income, or com- 
mon profits, is taken into the calculations, on in- 
come and profits, by land owners and traders. But 
the poor working people have no means, to escape 
from oppressive imposition left. They have not any 
the least chance, to remove the burthens pressed 
on them, to be borne by others. The evil of high 
rents, pressed on the farmers by the great land 
proprietors, to remove the burthens-imposed upon 



254 

tliem by heavy taxes, &,c., was not felt by the 
farmers, at the time their rents were raised. Why 
not? Because grain and every other produce, 
then sold at prices, adequate to the advance on 
the rents of lands; But when peace was restored 
to the nation, the imposed burthens pressed on 
the people; began to draw towards the pressing 
points, and farmers began to feel the burthen- 
some weight of high rents, in the reduced prices 
of their produce. And forced by necessity, a 
pressing force to shift an evil, the farmers shifted 
more of their burthens, to be borne by their 
labourers, than they were able to bear. And so, 
the poor industriouS'labourers became distressed ! 
But other evil causes pressed bearing force, in 
the train of distressing wrongs. The tithes as 
they ever had been, were still felt to hold a pres- 
sing weight, on the scale of burthensome evils. 
And by the invention, and introduction of thrash- 
ing machines into use, many of the labourers 
became deprived of that employ ; and were 
thereby stripped of that dependence for support, 
by which they procured the main part thereof. 
And the wages of those fully employed, were 
reduced too low, to provide them comfortable 
support ; and starving discontent pressed them, 
to commit many incendiary acts. We disapprove 
all, and every mode of secret revenge, for wrongs 
done. — Nor do we rest the wrongs on farmers 
that employed the poor distressed labourers! 



255 : 

The fountain whence the most distressing 
wrongs ; the most sore evils now felt in England', 
arose; was the administration, headed by the 
heaven-bom minister ! Large streams of national 
expenses were set afloat, by the boundless policy 
of that adored legislator, and his supporters ! 
And the current flow of oppressive burthens, 
became mixed in every course of the streams ! 
And schemes to escape the burthens, imposed 
by overbearing power, were in continual pro- 
gress ! And great land proprietors; high church 
dignitaries; with many others of those, that held, 
or dealt in aught that was established as pro- 
pert}', contrived to slip from beneath the disa- 
greeable weight, of national burthens ; by passing 
them to others. And they still contrive to cast 
off- those burthens ; and by more of overbearing 
deceptive craft, than could be made admissible > 
by purely upright honest means. A nd such are 
too many of those persons, that pass through 
existence, in the ranks of what established usage 
has led mankind to declare, high and respecta- 
ble, reverend, worshipful, and honourable gen- 
tlemen ; and reverend and noble lords ; and to 
crown the whole list of tiny high titles, the mighty 
little name, sovereign lord king, stands alone. 
We once visited a mad house, where was a man, 
that was in himself a sovereign lord king, as fully 
as ever was a king of England ; or any other na- 
tion. Let us here note one reflection, that 



256 

presses forcibly upon our mind ; which we have 
seen and felt, fully to demonstrate the truth 
thereof, to our conception. And to do more, we 
have not any the least pretension, to possess the 
efficacious power. We write freely, what we 
know; and so much, is all the right we claim. 
Favourable or unfavourable reception, of what 
we write, is the right we leave to our readers. — 
We are fully convinced in knowing, by what we 
have seen and felt, that the industrious honest 
part of the community, the labouring poor, are 
viewed and felt as inferior beings, by every order 
in the ranks of society, that have, by various art- 
ful means, drawn from them the greater part of 
the proceeds of industry. And that those, who 
mercilessly strip the poor industrious people, of 
the best fruits of their industry, deal less of regard 
to them, than to favourite horses, dogs, or any 
other favourite living beings, of any species, dis- 
tinct from their own. And so, from genuine 
sociability, has, what is boasted forth as human 
improvement, divided mankind ! And for what 1 
To keep the many- down to subjected obedient 
subserviency— to pay worshipful respect to those 
that bear them down. And what comes, as the 
price of such distinctions ! Insatiable desire, dis- 
content, murmurings, fallacious backbitings, 
envy, malice, pride — more ills than we can count ! 
And misgovern ment, by its wrong measures and 
examples; is the main fountain, from whence 



257 

progressive evils mostly flow! Will a goo<$ 
government, strive to divide the people under its- 
rule ? Will a good government, enforce aught to- 
destroy harmony and well being ? Will a good 
government, sanction or permit monopoly ? Will, 
or can a good government, enforce measures or 
establish means, to keep the people governed in 
a state of continued distress 1 

Feeling it necessary to repeat our blows, on 
the roots of existing evils, we are again led to 
declare ; that all property, created without 
labour, is a common evil ; because it enables the 
possessor to live in a state (as we have before 
repeatedly declared) of worthless idleness and 
excess when boundlessly enforced, as in England. 
And when as there, secured as a legal rights 
establishes a system that in its progress, works 
absolute authority and power. And we have 
repeatedly given sketch views, of the pitch to 
which averburthening extremes, and" overex- 
iravagant excesses, have raised many of the, 
land monopolists. How the proceeds of created 
property, worked up in the oppressive advance 
of rents, paid for the lands by the occupants, to 
those lords, who claim, who hold an absolute 
right, so to receive the fruits of other people's 
industry. We have also briefly noticed the 
oppressive tithes, given to ecclesiastical digni- 
taries as weighty evils. We deem all church 
privileges, in which are set forth exclusive es- 
"R 



25H 

tablished rights, to be partial evils;,: that- work 
out common wrongs. And the high raised 
orders of nobility, and. ecclesiastical dignitaries, 
were of the first, and have ever been, of the 
worst cast of evils, that have beset improved 
society in England. And many, too many evils, 
are now there felt, by the people. 'And why? 
Because ignorance in the want of education, 
keeps them in a dark want of knowledge; or 
else by false education, impressions are worked 
on their minds, that establish there, erroneous 
opinions, by which they are led to believe, that 
those men who. deceive and oppress them, hold 
just and divine rights, so to do,. Neglected and 
erroneous causes, will not fail in working up 
ignorant and erroneous effects,. We know not 
of any means, by which ignorance can be re- 
moved, except improvement. We know not 
of any means, by which erroneous impressions 
can be removed, except a free and active ex- 
ercise of the powers of the mind., By a free use 
of the mental powers ; and duly exercising those 
powers; ill founded opinions, notions, and be- 
lief ; established by any besetting means, may 
be removed. We are by comparative con- 
clusions, led to declare ; that, if all mankind 
would freely exercise those powers of mind 
they possess by nature (defective minds ex- 
cepted,) few would those be 3 that would become 
subjected. to the imposing allurements, invented. 



259' 

By others, to entice them to depart from rales, 
formed by self judgment, as standard guides to 
their conduct. And in so declaring we have 
been directed by well known facts, that fully go 
to prove how far a nation, in the mass of its 
population, may be blindly led to submit to 
wrongs, on them imposed ; craftily shaped, from 
the works of imaginary fiction, and mysterious 
delusion ; and declared by false directed pens. 
And what mode of procedure, would be the 
most certain, to effect an efficacious removal 
of such lamentable evils? To remove such 
evils, w r e do not hesitate in declaring; that an 
equal education, would be a leading means. 
An education, free from the alloy, too much 
worked into the rules of instruction, because it 
has not a tendency, to promote the common 
welfare of mankind. But serves to mark a few, , 
with peculiar names, and clothe them in peculiar 
dresses ;■■ and when so named and vested, they 
are by peculiar favour, raised above all real use- 
fulness to society. The men favoured by the 
marks of such peculiar distinction, are made 
less than cyphers, in- the estimation of real 
good to society. For they do, in their wasteful 
modes of living, and by their pompous pride, 
tainted with vanity, regardlessly waste the 
fruits, of other people's industry. We not wish 
to prohibit those of mankind, that are .inclined — 
the free use of anv improvement of the mind, to 
R2- 



230 

any extent, not known to injure others in, nor 
strip them of their rights. All selfishness, that 
touches the rights of others, in whatever shape 
set forth ; all partial favours, bestowed by the 
powers of imposed rights;. we do not hesitate in 
declaring lamentable evils ; that press too much 
upon the mass of society. The education that 
we consider as needful to promote common 
good, should be a sound system of instruction, 
that would enable all mankind to know that 
they are of one species, and of one blood, and 
are by the ties of social duty, bound, not to injure 
others of their kind. And to keep society free 
from taint, all should be taught to know, and 
to perform the needful duty, to gain the means 
of self support. And that usefulness is only 
found, where a supply of self wants is gained 
by self industry, all should be taught to know. 
That the best benefits will arise to society, from 
the general performance of all rightful duty, all 
should be taught to know. Could a system of 
education be established, and honestly pursued, 
entirely free from all the alloy of crafty arts that 
are worked up from the records of fabulous 
history, and mysterious delusion ; and to point 
out to all mankind, the needful performance of 
ail the duty, necessary to maintain social and 
individual support, then would the blessings of 
social comfort obtained by improvement, be 
more fully enjoyed by the now oppressed popu- 



2er 

I ace, in all countries, where extreme distinctions 
are enforced. Were all the people living within 
the bounds of a country that is improved for 
partial benefit, purely educated, to know the 
difference between right and wrong, they would 
perceive that virtuous merit accompanied by the 
needfuL ability, marks out, that distinction the 
most fit to direct public affairs. That partial 
favours are public wrongs, created to keep up 
arbitrary distinctions. That the distinctive ap- 
pellation of family blood, with the various titles 
created in England^ under- the names royal, 
noble, honourable, axe mockeries, that outrage 
common sense.- And much too much of such 
mockery, has ever prevailed over the slaves, 
purposely duped to serve improved craft, and 
ever will, till those persons, so subjected to 
slavery, are educated to know what is, and 
what is notyright. And improvement ever has, 
in the operative progress, been contrived, by 
various means, to press the mass of mankind, to 
be continually toiling,at their work* except the 
little time allowed to swallow their victuals, and 
for sleep. Six days of every seven, the poor 
children in the manufacturing parts of England, 
are so held to their work ; and on the seventh 
they are sent to Sunday-schools to be taught to 
believe it is a favoured blessing, bestowed on 
them, to be so employed — with other similar ii> 
stuction; all of which is abkje, calculated to •< 



262 

make them contented slaves. And so poor 
children are reared, to be meetly fitted, by er- 
roneous instruction, or by being held, in the bet- 
ter state of utter ignorance ; to drag through 
existence at slavish toij. 

So far our endeavours have led us, pointedly 
to set forth in their true forms, the most power- 
ful of the leading evils, that have always beset 
mankind, in an improved state. Evils that never 
had a more prevailing influence, over human 
ways, than is now experienced. And of these 
evils, the suffering millions continually expe- 
rience, the lamentable effects. We consider the 
facts of past evils, to be verified by historical 
accounts, and the present we know to be. And 
by what we know r to be, we know that bound- 
less excess, holds prevailing power over human 
conduct, at this the passing time. Behold the 
.United British kingdom; with her excessive 
revenue.; excessive national debt; excessive 
funded stock ; excessive army ; excessive navy ; 
excessive commerce; excessive manufactures; 
. excessive colonial possessions ; excessive court 
pride ; excessive national pride ; excessive plenty ; 
excessive debauch ; excessive want ; excessive 
slavery; excessive misery — all the excesses; 
that the active powers of mankind can enforce, 
by all that scheming contrivance can invent; 
you may there see, fully verified, in the extreme 
contrasts .that are set forth, in overabundant 



263 

excess, and the depressed excess of extreme 
want! For the evil consequences produced by 
misgovernment, are to be seen in full tide, in 
Britain! And how long the distressing evils 
will continue, time alone will determine. But 
if the wrongs pressed on the suffering multitude, 
are not removed by the oppressors, they will 
eventually recoil with boundless fury, on the 
pressing causes! Will force the overbearing 
evils from powerful holds! 

Attempts to. remove abuses, evils, wrongs — 
have often been made, and partially enforced ; 
but complete reform of government abuses, has 
never been effected. Had Lycurgus the Spar- 
tan laio-giver set up a government of peaceful 
order, and equal industry, education, and in- 
struction, in the art of war, for self defence ; and 
in theart of government to maintain common 
rights ; and liberated the Helotes from slavery 
of industry, the hardest lot of mankind, when 
held in forced continuance. Had Lycurgus, we 
would say, removed the overbearing labour im- 
posed on the Helotes, by laws to bind every 
capable person, usefully to endeavour for self 
support, as a duty due to themselves and to 
society, his.laws would have been more perfect. 
Yea, we would venture to say, the laws he en- 
forced, and laws to free all the people in Sparta 
: from overcharged slavery, with plain and clear 
ilaws to teach all children useful industry, and 



2o4 

enough of book education, to know their duty 
and rights, in all that appertains to society and 
self, would perfect improved communities. And 
such improvements may become established, 
by future legislators. And improvements worked 
into active progress, by such rules, well devised 
and well managed, would be more certain to 
promote general harmony, and happy content 
among mankind, than any general rules, of which 
we are in possession of any knowledge. Would 
not the pure summit of human perfection be 
found, by the general establishment of, and strict 
adherence to, such rules? Experience alone, 
could demonstrably prove this untried question. 
But much it is to be wished, by every person 
well intentioned towards his species ; that rules 
more perfect, to secure more fully, just rights, 
to all mankind, placed under the powers of 
laws, made by governing authority, over im- 
proved communities, could he obtained. Fairly 
to prove how far it would be possible in practice, 
to establish a perfect government, by perfect 
laws, the most important points to keep it right, 
must be well established, and strictly observed. 
All laws must be made purely impartial ; and 
impartially enforced. Partial privileges, partial 
interests, partial rights, partial favours, nor any 
other partial doings; mnst be admitted, nor 
allowed. Every violation of the pure rules of 
' iaw c -must be brought to the proof by strict en- 



265 

quiry; and clear facts. And by perfect laws, 
perfectly enforced; perfect order in improved 
society, would be maintained more pure, surely, 
than the order of a corrupt government. And 
by perfect order, secured by perfect laws ; and 
upright rules made customary, by common 
habits, the masses of communities would surely 
be more content, in the security of rights, than 
they can'be as they now are, and ever have 
been stripped of all but bare support. For it is 
not the masses of communities, that boundlessly 
break through social rights ; : nor do they the 
most neglect due duty. The greatest extremes 
of neglect, want, and overstretch of due duty ; 
to keep secure common good ; will by close in- 
vestigation and strict enquiry, be found to be in 
public duty ; and the most weighty, where that 
duty is the most corrupt. For when pressed on 
by prosperous hope, in the progress of any 
business, or duty, if not' checked by timely cau- 
tion, anxiety may press a pass of thoughtless 
desire, beyond secure bounds, and inadvertently 
destroy the hoped good, flas not the manage- 
ment of political affairs in Britain been directed 
by wrong measures a full half century? And if 
not incautiously has it not been directed without 
a due regard to common good 1 The vast ex- 
treme change thereby produced, is a demonstra- 
ble proof* that common good has not been taken 
into the view of the producing causes, to that 



266 

extreme. Such changes are not desirable. But, 
changes that produce common good to mankind ; 
.promote happy content. In all the variety, set 
forth by nature, and by art, changes in all we 
know, ever were, and may perchance ever be. 
And the general progress of an anxious and 
active community, is as surely receiving con- 
tinual changes, as the certainty is continually 
in present demonstration, that time is passing. 
But changes, that come in the necessary course 
of needful duty, are not of a cast to work up evil. 
To an opinion made important, by being too 
generally received as a necessary right, yea, by 
intelligent men, we wish here to draw the un- 
biassed attention,-of the reader; that is, that man- 
kind for the privileges --secured by their civil rights 
are bound to give up their natural rights. The 
opinion may be held justifiably granted as a 
right, legally to draw all .persons, that are able, 
to the necessary duty, of usefully endeavouring 
for self-support. But who can, by the knowledge 
that common sense furnishes clearly to the mind ; 
when duly exercised ; admit a right social duty, 
to be more than needfnl demands require, when 
in the full possession of self rights, as connected 
with that duty. Is common duty just, when 
partially pressed beyond reciprocal right? Would 
not reciprocal rights if . strictly held directing 
guides keep the path of common good clear, from 
wrong in all the, passing ways? 



:267 

Whether we turn our attention, to general or 
partial views, on the progress of society, we 
perceive in the proceeding, evident proofs of 
human depravity. And by close enquiry, we 
generally may discover the causes to be, an in- 
satiable thirst for riches and power, and the 
reception of various passions ; cherished by the 
indulgence of self desire. In the religionist, the 
nonconformist ; yea, in every order of society, 
the aforesaid evils are discoverable. And in 
what cast of character may we expect to find 
those passing their time in improved com- 
munities, that are the most perfectly free from 
the above stated defects? In those have learned 
to know themselves thoroughly, and practice as 
they know ; not to live beyond themselves for 
others, nor themselves ; and in avoiding all ex- 
cess, remaining free from the uneasiness and 
and pains, produced by excess. The persons 
live by the rule of right, are perfectly good 
directing guides. But isuch conducting rules 
through life, are not attainable at second hand ; 
self resolution alone, secures possession. 

On the pages of past history, by perusal we 
behold a vast variety of recorded accounts ; by 
which the many various proceedings and changes 
in society, are set forth. And through, all the 
courses and changes that have been continually 
happening, we find very little in historical 
records, that speaks a betterance of the condi- 



26'8 

tfon, of the common masses of the communities. 
Held down by ignorance and poverty, and sub- 
jected to hard labour, the major part Of mankind 
in all countries, where the human species have 
emerged from the state of nature ; have never 
been entirely raised above the state of vassalage. 
And seldom, (whatever declaration 1 has been 
made to the contrary,) has their condition been 
made much better, than that of bond slaves. In 
as much as the above remarks appear to hold 
out to view, a general cast of the condition of 
the low poor of all nations ; in so much we might 
be considered to falsify the accounts,-stated in 
history ; if we did not allow, that a difference in 
the condition of the people, has been effected in 
many countries, by changes in governments. 
B ut seldom have such changes been more, than 
what we may, with some degree of truth state as 
momentary. — A steady progress to effect the 
perfect establishment of common good, and hold 
an improvement so desirable secure ; never was 
held in continuance by mankind. • Nor have the 
people of any country, ever been free from the. 
burthen, that has held them in slavery ! And in 
the first progress to improvement,- the people 
became subjected to barbarous tyrants; that 
knew very little of fixed rules, as little of fixed 
laws, and exercised as little of tender kindness. 
And directed by the will, error was certainly 
more in- the determination of all cases of dif- 



2€0 

Terence, than it is as now directed, by establish., 
ed rules ; termed laws. But in proceedings, 
worked into action by the pressing desire of the 
overbearing part of mankind : the most material 
difference to the customs of the moderns, in the 
practices of the ancients, was in the modes. 
Pressing desire, when worked into action, will 
generally be found to progress in a similar man- 
ner, through every course. ; especially when the 
action works in accordance, to perfect the 
desired ends; and the difference .in modes of 
equal bearing, will not produce any difference in 
the ends ; variously worked through. Or, to be 
more explicit, we would say, that overbearing 
practices, however enforced or exercised are 
overbearing ; .and a polished tyrant, is not less a 
tyrant ; by his polish. And if in his tyranny, the 
same degree of wrong, or overbearing abuse to- 
wards the oppressed, is practised or exercised by 
the polished tyrant; as is. exercised by the unpo- 
lished tyrant ; the conduct ol the polished tyrant 
will bear the same degree of barbarity, as the 
conduct of the unpolished tyrant ! Evils may be 
worked through to their ends, by various modes, 
but various modes of working evils of the same 
magnitude, bear equally to the same ends, in 
their consequences. And the slave, that is made 
a slave by any means ; is not less a slave by the 
means ; when the labour is fully pressed upon 
ban! And what is now deemed refined, and 



270 

humane'; is more in the modes, than any proofs 
given, or set forth by any measure, to promote 
the pure good of all fellow beings. The beings 
that exercises, by the powers of absolute rule, 
the wilful execution of his desires ; by any punish- 
ment he wishes- to inflict ; is not by me perceived 
to be more perfect ; in pure, manly, uprightness* 
than he who instantly executes a base act ! And 
the difference between the modes of conduct, 
, practised by ancient rulers, towards their slaves, 
and the modes of conduct in these modern times, 
towards the working people ; may be favourably 
marked towards the working people of the pre- 
sent time ; but working people are not too favour- 
ably placed, and we think few are those, that 
envy them their cast in society. For the time 
required to make a day at work, generally done 
by the day, is extended beyond all moderate 
bounds; being from sunrise in the morning, to 
sunset at night, through the summer ; which is 
the time that day labour is mostly done. And so 
held to work during the extreme length of the 
days, the working men experience a tiresome 
hardships and for very scanty wages ! For as* 
is and 'ever has been the case in all countries ; 
the general price paid for labour in these states * 
is brought too low ; and as the labouring part of 
the communities are in other countries ; they are 
in this country progressing to be— subjected 
^aves ! Ignorance and slavish toil, will everbe 



271 

the lot of those, whose circumstances necessarily 
press them, to perform hard labour for others;; 
especially when pressed down by absolute rules, 
forced upon them by arbitrary employers ; and 
such employers are become much too general, 
in this country ! Never were a people held out 
more free, than the people of these United States 
were by the declaration of independence. And 
against the infliction of arbitrary punishment, the 
people of a country were never held more secure, 
than are the free people of this country. And all 
are free ; except those of the African race ; 
those who after becoming of age, bind them- 
selves ; pauper children, bound by town authori- 
ties ; and children, bound by guardians ; or their 
parents. I feel a very strong wishful desire, that 
suitable means may be provided by law, to keep 
children free from bondage ; and 1 also wish that 
all persons, enjoying the freedom from i bondage, 
(that imposes as a duty during, a specified time, 
the performance of slavish toil for others,) so 
fully knew the value of that right, as to be deter- 
mined never to deprive themselves, for any spe- 
cified period ot time, of that invaluable privilege. 
And of the slavery of the African: race, and of 
the pitiable treatment of those unfortunate beings, 
enough to lessen the severe modes of inflicting 
sore bodily punishment, and Other hard usage 
upon them, has been set forth, from ably con- 
ducted pens — if it was in the power of language 



. 2u£ 

■'to convey enough ! But sorry beings, in the 
shape of men, are too often, by savage fury in 
their conduct towards others, insensible to every 
feeling of due regard ; and are not aptly moved, 
by the powers of language to be less severe. In 
short, the admission of slavery into this Union is 
incompatible, with the spirit and letter of the 
constitution. But the pressing influence of wish- 
ful selfishness, over the human mind, (in coun- 
tries where self interest is a leading object of 
desire,) is generally found too powerful, for any 
means attempted to keep mankind upright, in 
their dealing; and within the bounds of due re- 
gard, in their conduct towards those, over whom 
they have any authority. Man is made a more 
pressing tyrant by motives, that work him into a 
boundless thirst for riches ; than he is by nature! 
The impression of desire to express my thoughts, 
on the unfeeling cruelty to slaves, is deep rooted 
in my mind; but I forbear — because in facts, 
that really produce a display of merciless cruelty, 
exercised by one race of human beings over, and 
upon another race, a picture of boundless cruelty, 
distressing, as imagination is capable to draw, 
may be set forth. So worked, by the pressing 
powers of the mind, a relation of facts may be- 
come thought no more, by many readers, than 
the herald to fictitious imagination — may work 
impressions on the minds of many, will not give 
jqoom to pne trace of thoughts, bearing the strictest 



2t3 

truths in train! Because, considered as no mors 
pure than a swelled fiction, and so cast, facts 
maybe brought to bear no more in the representa- 
tion, than a fictitious picture! — What 1 state in 
this work as a relation of facts, 1 draw not from 
any source, but that of self observation, and 
self experience. And to close this sketch, on 
the slavery of the African race, will briefly state, 
what 1 beheld at Charleston South Carolina. 
The calls of business drawing me to that city, 
during my stay of some weeks* 1 several times 
attended the auction market, where slaves w 7 ere 
sold ; and felt a deep sensation, on beholding 
the novel proceedings — for novel to me they were. 
Several were busy at their vendue employ, of 
selling slaves ; and as little regard was shown 
towards the deep coloured race of human beings 
(if not less) as is generally shown to any tamed 
animal, or any other species^ The novelty, on 
first beholding auction sales of human slaves, 
may perhaps, with some degree of propriety, be 
allowed as a pressing cause, to the deep stroke 
of feeling sense, I then experienced. How- 
ever that may be, it was not of a cast to be 
comparatively ranked, with the most slight im- 
pressions of feeling pity, that had ever before 
touched my feelings! It was a deep marked 
impression, that then worked on my mind, on 
beholding, as 1 did, an aged woman, bearing in 
her appearance all that decaying nature marks : 
S 



274 

set up to be seld» at a public auction! The 
novelty of seeing human beings so exposed, to 
be sold, and the surprising instance of an old 
female slave, offered for sale, and sold; that 
appeared past all slavish duty ; were sufficient 
causes to produce impressions of feeling com- 
passion, in every mind, susceptible to the force 
of feeling powers! And by reflections on such 
sales, what fair conclusions can we draw? And 
there was another cause, in the first instance of 
my beholding public sales of human beings, that 
made the novelty thereof to me the more ex- 
traordinary; and that was, the comical ex- 
change of words, between two auctioneers, who 
had each a living being up for sale! One had up 
the female slave before noticed, whose frizzled 
hair was grey with age — the other had up an 
old worn down horse ! Both knew how to spout 
forth ready wit ; and made free use thereof, by 
which they caused repeated bursts of loud laugh- 
ter, from the collected crowd, suddenly to crack 
surrounding silence ; and to cast on the pro- 
ceedings the appearance and sound of lively 
mirth. And such a lively treat, such proceedings 
might be felt to be, by the thoughtless, unfeeling 
part, of the company present! But I beheld in the 
proceedings, something more than lively mirth, 
could fully cover, or common custom make truly 
right! I Beheld two living beings, an old female 
slave, and an old horse ; wore down by time and 



275 

lard labour, to an enfeebled state ; on the thresh- 
hold of death's abode, exposed by order of their 
owners, to public sale ; and made objects of 
laughable mirth, to the by-standers, by the sales- 
men! Sportive wit,, timely set forth, by those 
appointed to perform any duty ; in the discharge 
of which, by public opinion sport is held admis- 
sible, is frequently very cheerfully received, by 
the company present. But nothing, as a real 
cause to produce sport, was by me seen, in the 
appearance of the objects on whom the laugh 
was raised ! 1 saw more of wrong, and less of a 
due discharge of duty, on the part of owners; 
in the appearance of the poor worn down old 
female slave ; and the appearance of the poor 
worn down old horse ; and in the situation in 
which they were then placed ; than of aught, to 
set those poor beings forth, as objects fit to be 
held out, meet marks, for contemptuous ridicule! 
But what are the most improved of mankind, 
generally seen and known to be, when closely 
watched? By a fair comparison, would any one 
of them bear through to hold a character, as free 
from any charge of artful wrongs, as any en- 
slaved human being! The old female slave, 
by various appearances she bore, gave marked 
evidence, that she had done much work ; and 
bore in her aspect too much apparent ignorance, 
to be considered capable to do much harm, by 
any artful means. The lot to which she had 
S2 



276 

been cast, by the selfish cruel and inhuman 
dealings of others ; and the hard treatment she 
had experienced of which her appearance gave 
marked evidence, had made her passage through 
the path of life, a continual hardship! Who has, 
by the direction of any rule that purely holds 
the line of right, in the perfect course ofduty^ 
justly raised authority to impose on other human 
beings, slavish toil, and overhearing hardship? 
Is such a course of conduct towards others, 
compatible with right rules of social improve- 
ment? And are not the common advantages 
produced by improvement (as touching general 
effects) -by such measures made partial evils? 
And are not the major part of mankind, by the 
consequences that eventually ensue from such 
measures, necessarily made dependent slaves, 
subjected to the control of the few? In as much 
as evil is practicably set forth, in the conduct of 
improved society, does not the stain cast thereby 
on improvement, hold a proportionate bearing 
weight against improving good? And are not the 
weighty complaints of the oppressed, against 
such evils, justifiable? And are government 
measures in support of partial evils, to promote 
partial interests, a necessary security to common 
good? And if they are, what must we deem a 
common good, or admit to be a partial' evil? Is 
.the art of exercising governing policy a right, 
concentrated in knowing how to secure partial 



277 

interests? Will the partial authority exercised! 
in governing policy, never cease to press on the 
main part of communities imposing wrongs? 
And are not such wrongs the leading means, in 
drawing the main part of mankind to slavish 
toil? And will the wrong exercise of power, 
ever escape the calls of justice, with impunity? 
And will the overstretched authority, variously 
gained by a few over the many, ever be over- 
bearingly held up as right, by various overbear- 
ing measures? Will the mass of mankind never 
escape from, being, by forced necessity, held the 
subjected slaves to the few? — What a vast dif- 
ference between the old female slave, who was 
publicly sold at Charleston South Carolina ; and 
a worse than worthless woman, who troubles 
all near her (whether persons that join her as 
companions, or servants engaged to attend her) 
with frivolous trifles ; and all must submit to her 
overbearing authority; her trifling frivolity, to 
work up perplexing toil. In her cast of life the 
old female slave was held too low, ignorance 
would in nature's path be right ; but to keep her 
ignorant, and make her a slave was wrong! To 
advocate barbarous conduct to fellow beings, 
ingenious minds may find a pretext ; but not a 
real palliative, to the daily treatment of slaves v 
in which continual proof is clearly set forth, of a 
most inhuman degree of barbarity! Authority 
duly exercised, we deem a necessary right ; but 



278 

overbearing tyranny is a cruel wrong ; that bears 
in its proceedings, the most savage traces of bar- 
barity! The condition ol slaves holds them so 
far below sharing the advantages of improve- 
ment, as to be almost beyond the reach of pos- 
sibility for them to impose slavish toil on others, 
as a duty. Yea less,; few of them could, by the 
utmost use of any means in their power, become 
enabled to be so situated, as to partake in the 
benefits produced by improvement. The slave 
owners are, by overbearing measures in dealing 
to others oppressive wrongs, and a slavish toil ; 
enabled to live in sumptuous excess, and worth- 
less ease. Is such an extreme difference be- 
tween the slaves and their owners necessary? 
If so, where must we look to find the benefits 
produced by slavery? Has practical experience 
ever given the proof, that extremes and excesses, 
have worked up real benefits to society? Are 
artificial benefits worth obtaining or possessing? 
Or will the improved state of mankind admit a 
a boundless extreme of overbearing authority, 
as necessary to enforce slavery? If so, we should 
be led by the admission of practices so base and 
cruel as the enforcement of slavery, under the 
pretext of being needful to raise a valuable in- 
terest and furnish necessary supplies for common 
wants, to declare improvement a troublesome 
and barbarous evil. Is the proud rich slave 
.owner, hojding pretensions to an improved con* 



279 

dition, but cruel and' barbarous in his conduct to 
his slaves, less a barbarian by his pretensions? 
And are the slaves held to daily toil and cruel 
treatment, by the commands of such a being, 
more savage, more barbarous, and more wanting 
in the performance of social duty than he? And 
did the female slave, who was sold,ever pass as far 
beyond a right line of duty, as a proud worthless 
lady is often known to do, bv her frivolous and 
artful schemes to work up vexatious uneasiness; 
and by her worse than useless refinement? If by 
remaining to want the needful improvement to 
perfect useful purposes; persons ate held in- 
capable to perform their necessary duties, the 
worthless trifling part of mankind, who bear 
exalted distinction, by passing over the path 
that leads to perfect improvement, step into 
wrong ways. — In what are by modern historians 
deemed barbarous ages, we admit, a want of re- 
finement. And why? Because a few, by such 
overbearing measures as were then enforced, 
barbarously treated those subjected to their 
authority; or within the grasp of their power. 
And that few if any, of the subjected slaves in 
those long past ages, rose in knowledge above 
the most low ignorance, very clear proof is given, 
and also the most clear certainty, that in all 
past, and in passing time, the poor burthened 
part of mankind, have, by various artful and 
overbearing measures, and imposing wrongs, 



280 

always been held down below the reach of needy 
wants, to make a comfortable and living, supply. 
And when the poor enslaved part of mankind, 
became allowed to receive school instruction, a 
system of education was prepared for them, 
suitable to the purpose of drawing them to be- 
lieve it right, on the part of those Who, by aspiring 
arts became raised above them, to strip from 
them, by various means, the greatest part of the 
fruits of their industry. For ever since the poor 
burthened part of communities, were allowed to 
receive instruction; they have been taught to 
admit as right, the conduct of superiors of every 
order holding authority over them ; and to submit 
to servile slavery as a duty. And by becoming 
deceivingly instructed, those few of the poor that 
have received any education, have been taught 
to admit as right, superstitious notions, that held 
them afraid to exercise their reasoning powers, 
and brought them more low in many important 
points of knowledge, than those left free, to the 
exercise of their understanding powers. If the 
the poor, ignorant, overburthened part of man- 
kind, purely knew the difference, between a right 
and a wrong call to labouring duty, few of them 
would feel a willing freeness, in the performance 
of additional toil. Writers of various casts, and 
men of various orders, boast of the present en- 
lightened state, and improved condition of man- 
kind—but let us ask— Was slavery ever more 



281 

fully imposed on those whose only means to gain 
needful supportis labour, than it now is? Would 
the lot of those held down to slavish poverty by 
an overbearing authority, be worse in a state 
below the reach of slavery? In closely con- 
sidering all the various bearings in the passage 
through life, of the industrious poor in many im- 
proved parts,,and stating our conclusive thoughts 
thereon, we should be apt to declare, that the 
want of useful improvement would be as good 
for such enslaved beings, as an overbearing 
power raised by artful ambition, to enslave 
them. — Do not the few, by artful means, gain all 
the profits arising from useful improvements? 
And by making improvements the means to pro- 
cure partial advantage,! is not the means to 
destroy common rights strengthened? And is 
partial advantage justifiably allowable under 
republican forms of government ; and if partial 
advantage is gained by any law or practice, is 
not republican purity thereby weakened? — That 
overbearing power is, extended to absolute rule, 
far beyond the set bounds to secure common 
good — reciprocal rights — in many parts of these 
states, passing facts present a clear proof. But 
to make the proof more clear to the reader, we 
will draw a brief statement of facts. — Labourers 
variously employed, and artists employed at 
various trades by the day, are, by the forcing 
rules of their employers and necessity, pressed 



282 

to work an overstretched length of time to make 
a day. No allowance is made in wages for the 
extreme length of time, pressed on working men 
to make a day. Such rules are impositions that 
bear forcibly, to make working people slaves, 
without bettering their condition. For when 
pressed to be continually at work, except the 
time necessary to eat and sleep, working people 
are not at the best, by their endeavours, capable 
to gain much more than needful support. And " 
can it be truly declared just and righ}, to press 
them down to such a state? We say it is not! 
To be continually at work, and continually 
poor ; is a condition below envy, but it is a con- 
dition into which too many are pressed, by over- 
bearing measures* For workmen of the most 
constant industry, steady habits, and frugal care, 
whose only means to procure support is laborious 
work, if constantly receiving as good wages as 
are generally given, will not, by the means of 
industry alone, have much to support them in 
old age. And those have large families., or any 
long continued sickness in their families* cannot 
(by all the means the wages given for work will 
furnish) escape poverty in their old age* By 
the various ways practiced to strip industry, 
working people are held poor slaves. And many 
rules, that have produced injury to working 
men, have been introduced by persons, that take 
work by contract. And to do work by contract 



283 

is become very general, and the workmen em- 
ployed by contractors, are by necessity, com- 
pelled to submit to the overbearing rules of those 
monopolists, who by contracting for all the work 
in their respective trades, deprive them of every 
chance to get work as was customary, before it 
became common to get it done by contract. 
And this is another of the many various means 
(and not a trivial one) by which industry is 
pressed down to continual labour, for very little 
more at the best than bare support. This, O 
reader! is a true sketch of the unrighteous deal- 
ings of man towards his fellow beings, and much 
more than we would wish, because an enslaving 
distressing wrong. But who can prevent what 
comes by designing art, and misgovernment? 
Would not a due care on the part of a free 
people to choose better rulers, who would secure 
them a right value for labour by appropiate 
laws, remove the evils? Existing wrongs abide, 
where labour is bore down by artful and over- 
bearing measures ! Nor do we think overbearing 
measures, or artful means, imposed or practically 
dealt, by any citizen to other citizens, are con- 
stitutionally admissible in a country that sets 
just and equal rights forth in the national 
Declaration. And why not? Because over- 
bearing measures, however enforced, are abso- 
lute wrongs; and artful means to gain any 
'wished purpose, or aim, of self desire, to toe 



284 

injury or loss of others, are dishonest and unjust 
breaches, that admit encroachment on common 
rights. 

And why are not laws made and duly en- 
forced, more fully to secure due rights to the 
industrious part of the community ? An increas- 
ing burthen of growing wrongs, is continually 
making their load more weighty, in various over- 
bearing ways. But common good demands a 
remedy, to remove such growing evils. And 
under deep impressions, wrought on my mind by 
thoughts on the wrong dealings of men to their 
fellow beings, my pen is here directed — with a 
wish— that a more general good, in a more 
desirable condition, may become a more common 
lot to mankind. And is the pen, conducted in 
its work to mark the wrongs of man to man, and 
in support of common rights, directed by an evil 
hand ? If a charge bearing such cast may be- 
come raised against this work, it will not by such 
means become in itself altered. Whatever may 
become by it, my pen shall not be held back 
from noting well known wrongs, generally im- 
posed on working people employed in factories. 
And of all the various evils, worked up by im- 
posing and overbearing measures, none surpass 
those produced by the rules and practices, in 
spinning and weaving factories — nor is there any 
of which I have a better founded knowledge. 

In my remarks in a former part of this work, 



285 

.particularly pointed fo England, I have set Forth 
a view of the causes to the sorry effects, produced 
by the monopolized use of ingenious inventions, 
in large factories. And have contrasted the 
state of the working people in the manufacturing 
part of that country, before factories were raised, 
with their present state-; and noticed the differ- 
ence produced by the change. And to those 
remarks the reader may look, for more particu- 
lars "on the evils produced than are here set 
forth. More overbearing rules and oppressive 
(should 1 falsify the truth in saying dishonest ?) 
wrongs, are here enforced on the work people 
employed in factories, than are meet to right or 
common good, or any real good. The time to 
make a day is extended beyond all moderate 
bounds, and the work people, men, women, and 
children, are held in close confinement during 
that time. Six days of every seven they are so 
held in close confinement ! And close to their 
employ. — And little, alas, is the time they have 
to spare, beside the necessary time to sleep and 
eat their meals. Little less is their confinement, 
than that of persons held close prisoners. Not 
because they have violated any law, made to 
bind mankind to a just duty ! They are held so 
to work in close confinement, by overbearing 
measures, that make their lot a hard necessity. 
How little more desirable is such a cast, than 
that of those have broke the social laws — have 



286 N 

violated honest duty. Common rights demand 
a necessary duty to supply self support, and all 
who are able, should, by the social compacts of 
nations, be bound to perform that duty. But it 
never came by common rights, that the many 
should be held to work an overbearing length of 
time, or be in any way enslaved by the few. 
To supply the necessary wants of mankind, such 
measures are not needful. And why do the few- 
enforce as a duty on the many, overbearing, 
labour ? Much is said in favour of labour-saving 
machinery, and I would advocate its use if 
worked for common good — but not as now used 
to draw working people into absolute slavery. — 
Acquainted as 1 am, with the vast advantages 
gained by labour saving machinery, I admit the 
utility of the inventions and improvements. But 
-by various overbearing measures, enforced by 
employers reaping vast piofits from the use of 
said inventions, work people employed at said 
machinery, have become placed under absolute 
authority. And when the rights and privileges 
of work people are taken from them, by the over- 
bearing authority of their employers, as 1 know 
they are — how can 1 advocate extensive facto- 
ries as a common benefit to the community I 
And so it is. Rules are enforced on the work 
people, in which they are deprived of reciprocal 
rights ; and in defiance of the laws, are wronged 
ia various ways. Numerous are the wrongs- 



287 

done to working people of every order, trade r o? 
calling. But one as practised, 1 deem foul, dis- 
honest — all that is not just. — What can be more 
unjust than withholding wages from those to 
whom due, and have no other means to gain 
needful support ? And to withhold wages and 
dock them short by self made laws r under the 
specious names of rules, and by self determina- 
tion, by all that speaks and enforces absolute 
authority r is a common usage to the work people 
employed in the factories. And when done, as 
is by too many of the factory employers to the 
employed, in defiance of all law, common jus- 
tice, if admitted to a bearing* would plead for a 
remedy to the absolute evils,. But what can 
poor work people do to get the wrongs done to 
them by their employers,, righted ? Will the 
power contained in the express terms of any 
standing law, obtain for working people their 
due rights, when wages are wrongfully withheld 
from them ? Or is the common practice of the 
law, within the reach of poor work people to 
gain by its force, due rights for work done. If 
not, can the treatment of poor working people 
employed in factories, be truly declared right ; 
or is their condition desirable, Behold them, all 
you that enjoy more fully the privilege of reason- 
able liberty; at an early hour going to their 
employ, by the call of bells ; and when they go 
to eat their meals, how they pass with speedy 



288 

\valk, upon the way. For the time allowed to 
eat, and past the bell-call, is very short. And 
through the whole of the long time that they are 
held to work, to make a day, they are not seen 
outside the walls of the castles of industry, 
except when going to and from their employ, on 
the aforesaid occasions. Close confinement and 
submissive compliance, are made the lot of 
those persons employed in factories. And steady 
labour, with all that careful order can save, or 
frugality can secure, will do little mGre than pro- 
cure needful support for a honest industrious 
family, that have no means but that industry 
brings in factories, to procure them a living. 
And when by the arbitrary measures of their 
employers they are cut short of their due rights, 
bare poverty is by the means, helped towards 
the state of low misery. And when done in 
defiance of all law, as to the work people 
employed in factories, common justice pleads for 
a removal of the arbitrary evil. To withhold 
wages as a right by self formed rules, absolutely 
enforced as laws, and not admit a hearing from 
the defrauded work people, nor give an explana- 
tion why withheld, more than a charge of breach 
of docking rules; is to enforce rules more in 
accordance with overbearing tyranny, and sub- 
jected obedience, than equaj rights ; and just 







,P V .. 



$ :< 



*bV 



* ^ 






i*3 



•** 



31 • <n <$ *A 



*V* 






^ 






rr.- .6* % ••• 







*bi 






V s^iLr* <Z 




> *_ 






^/ 









j : 




















^0 







^ 




' • A, ' A^ ^ *' 



o V 



^ 



OBBS BROS. ,* 

«» BINDING 







*4 

AUGUSTINE 




A^. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 4 

llililiillilllill 

027 273 550 51 



■HI 



HH 






SB 

III 



■ 



■ 

nraH 

BnBUtUflfl 

■ran 
mmm 



wmmsm i 

wSsSM 

WSi 

isiaslBUHMB 

tRttBtR HtBlHlfl 

HP 




